Moreover, I could write pages in order to mention all other professors and colleagues from other institutes. Thus, on the top of the list will always remain Professor Dr. Nicos Trimikliniotis, who has continuously been a beacon for me, sharing his thoughts, experience and comments. Both granted me with scholarships that fully funded my research process, while offering me opportunities for networking, seminars and workshops.
However, during all those years in Berlin I have never forgotten the vital role my university studies have played in all my steps. It had been a great chance to have close contact with them during my studies in the School of Architecture in Aristotle University of Thessaloniki and keep in touch with them until today. They will always be an inspiration for their academic standards and moral values. Furthermore, I had the chance to know and work together with Pafsanias Karathanasis, which lead to paper presentations and an article publication in the peer-reviewed journal The Cyprus Review, in a special issue edited by Barbara Karatsioli, to whom I also owe an excellent co-working and publication experience.
However, anyone who has written a PhD dissertation knows well that it is a unique educational process both in academic and emotional terms. I thank especially my friend Polina Gioltzoglou, who made it possible to conduct the interviews with the Turkish Cypriot participants in Turkish, offering her language skills as well as her full energy.
Additionally, I thank my friend and colleague Dimitris Balampanidis, who had been writing his PhD thesis in the same period and offered me both his support and fruitful comments generously. Finally, there are hardly any words to express my gratitude to my family in Greece and especially to my father Panagiotis Iliopoulos, who unconditionally offers me his full support in good and hard days.
However, the person who has played a decisive key-role for my academic and personal route is my dear departed mother Niovi Chrysomallidou, who was a qualifed academic scholar and an exceptional person. I dedicate my dissertation to her memory. But here there are no cows. I see him there Bringing a stone grasped frmly by the top In each hand, like an old-stone savage armed. He moves in darkness as it seems to me, Not of woods only and the shade of trees.
Ziel ist es, verschiedene Aspekte der Teilung zu beleuchten. From this perspective, this thesis is actually an alternative ma p of the divided Nicosia. While the offcial map of the city shows the physical scar of the Green Line and the Buffer Zone, creating the Turkish Cypriot North and the Greek Cypriot South, I suggest that there are multiple divisions and contacts produced by everyday dynamics that are worth to be mapped.
In this context, I hope to offer a mapping process that reveals invisible borders being crossed or avoided, and which will probably remain even after the demolishment of the visible ones. In particular, I suggest two axes: frstly, space in the mind as presented by oral history and mental mapping processes involving local everyday actors; and, secondly, the common space of demand as produced by grassroots activism and the broader civil space.
The goal is to shed light on different aspects of the division. In this sense, I elaborate on the mental representations of confict, the emerging quest for wholeness and the confrontation of different dynamics that claim hegemony over common space. As a result, I come up with a new reading of Nicosia and a further understanding of the production of the social space of confict. Two major geo- strategical, ethno-national, socio-political issues that politics, history and social movements seem unable to overcome.
It is the symbol of the unsolvable confict, at least in terms of the offcial diplomatic peace-talks. It represents the perpetual expectation, while confrming the idea that nothing is more permanent than the temporary. Or maybe not? However, I keep a spatial approach supporting the idea that space is the terrain, where social relations are being produced and reproduced Lefebvre  , while producing space in an ongoing process of social spatialisation Shields, From this perspective, I keep the ethnic confict as well as the geopolitical strategies in the background, while letting the ordinary everyday actors2 tell their stories.
I will constantly refer to the people involved in his process by the term actors, which will only be replaced by the term participants that refers to those who have participated within the feldwork process. Additionally, I would not underestimate the great value of a future demolishment of the border.
However, I attempt to put forth the idea that divisions and contacts go beyond the physical level to a holistic perception of the production of space, both in real physical and social and mental imaginary terms. While the above questions are the starting points and motivations of this research, a central research aim emerges. The aim of the thesis is to examine the social space of confict being the dialectical contradiction of state power and social dynamics Kotsakis, This contradiction is treated as central in the production of social space, while being further analysed in the particular landscape of confict in the walled city of Nicosia.
From this perspective, I propose a reading of the common space being a crossroads of different socio-spatial qualities, while refecting scales, dynamics, potentials and contestations from a holistic perspective. In this introductory chapter, I do not only lay out what I am going to elaborate on in the next pages, but also what I am not going to do. However, my study is occupied with an alternative reading of the multiple socio-spatial partition that could be also perceived as an alternative pathway to transcend them.
On the contrary, I hope to contribute to the deeper and fuller understanding of the current situation and its various dynamics keeping a holistic approach towards socio-spatial contestations. Secondly, I am not going to propose a visionary master plan for a future re- unifed Nicosia. Although such examples have my full attention Nicosia Master Plan; Grichting, de Castrillo, Keszi and Frangoudi, , my work is strictly occupied with a new reading of the social space of confict and the re- conceptualisation of the divided landscape.
Finally, I will not apply a certain theory to my case study nor follow a delimited theoretical trend. The question of what: Overview of aims and questions When living in a divided city, it is almost impossible to avoid one question run through your mind every now and then. When conducting research on a divided city this question becomes inevitable: What is going to happen if the city will be reunifed again?
This question has not only been a provocative one seeking for solutions, answers and predictions; it has mostly been a motive to work on the divided city of Nicosia in the frst place. After my frst visit in , I realised that a possible future reunifcation would cause a new complex rearrangement in a world that although unfair was now taken for granted.
That said I have to immediately deny the role of Cassandra or any other role that speaks the word of predicting. Instead, I understand such a hypothesis as a starting point to reveal multiple divisions beyond the physical one that might need other processes or much more time to be healed. However, before even starting this research work, I had to answer a question to myself in the frst place and afterwards share the response. Why have I chosen a divided city anyway? The question becomes even tougher, since I strongly support the idea that each and every city has certain visible or invisible divisions.
But still, what makes physically divided cities fruitful case studies for research on socio-spatial confict? Divided cities possess the critical factor: they are actually divided. The worst scenario has been already realised and things can only go better or at least remain the same. I have chosen a divided city because it is an extreme case or else a socio- spatial lab, where phenomena can be examined in an extreme condition. It is correct to argue that every city has certain partitions or segregations.
The city of Nicosia is not the only example where different kinds of boundaries, beyond the physical border, separate people, neighbourhoods or activities 5. But then again, what are walls and visible physical borders necessary for? Why do they keep on being constructed, when contemporary methods of surveillance could easily replace them? Especially in the city of Nicosia, why should there be a border made of barbed wire or sandbags or barrels in the South and another one made of more stable, permanent materials in the North Papadakis, , instead of other surveillance and discipline methods such as cameras, alarms or fbre optic 5 In my diploma thesis, I have conducted a comparative study between the cities of Berlin, Nicosia and Jerusalem.
In this context, I had the chance to have a frst taste of urban divisions and extrapolate the discussion to an understanding of contemporary cities worldwide. Power and dominance are manifested only when they leave their print on a space that is both the product and the re- producer of social relations, as Lefebvre suggests Lefebvre,  The divided city of Nicosia is a place of discipline. The theoretical background is formed by an extraction of crucial arguments out of a larger pool of ideas in the existing literature.
It constitutes the pivotal frame composed by notions and analysis already suggested by authors and theoretical trends. This paper is being stamped and signed by the authorities twice, in the entrance and the exit, while it has no expire date.
The born framework is the starting point for my own conceptual framework within which I form my own viewpoint to deal with the current study. In this sense, I frstly clarify the perspective from which I see the case of divided Nicosia, suggesting a spatial approach that hopes to furthermore provide a holistic analysis of the Cyprus Problem.
Secondly, I enter the realm of theory in order to understand the production of space and the signifcant contribution of spatiality Castells  ; Harvey ; Massey ; Soja ; et al. Thirdly, I let the factor of confict enter the debate and therefore construct a conceptual framework that would help socio- spatial contestations unfold. In this context, I argue that the social space of confict is actually the common space, where contradictory dynamics state power and the social sphere claim hegemony over visibilities towards the production of socio- spatial totalities.
Space is understood within the suggested Lefebvrian triad  , being perceived referring to the concrete, physical space where people live, act, work etc. Moreover, social space is understood as the realm where dialectics of power and dialectics of the social sphere Kotsakis, confront, forming or reclaiming visibilities: enclosure with respect to state power and reclaiming with respect to the social sphere and the dynamics of resistance.
The above constitute the basis, the motive for research. The way I will further examine how the already mentioned contradictory dynamics confront within the social space of confict revolves round two main axes: socio-spatial mental representations of confict and the common space of demand.
Firstly, I elaborate on the mental representations of the social space of confict in a narrative and a mapping process. I conduct unstructured interviews combined with a mental mapping process that hope to reveal personal stories, attitudes towards the other, traumas, expectations, emotional involvement and the ways all these interact with spatial information and perception.
I argue that in this way mental walls unfold confrming the idea that they will replace the physical one after a possible reunifcation. I fnd it quite interesting that the participants narrate and map confict including those fve elements, that accordingly correspond to i the private space; ii the common space; iii the political space; iv the public space and v the lived space, being critical components of the dialectics of power and the dialectics of the social sphere within the social space of confict, as I will thoroughly argue.
Secondly, on another level, I elaborate on the common space of demand, where action and resolve enter the debate leading me towards collective and civil space as components of the common space. In this framework, I organise my feldwork round two axes: frstly, I elaborate on the existence of an emerging political subjectivity of grassroots activism that acts within the old city of Nicosia on both sides as well as in a common space.
On the other hand, I am interested to explore the institutional level of civil space with respect to inter-communal platforms of cooperation that act in and contribute to the common space of demand. Interestingly, different shades of common emerge, while a low interaction of collective and civil space highlights a rather problematic front of resistance towards a transcending of visible and invisible borders.
After all, one could possess the optimistic view that the very existence of a physical border is the most signifcant manifestation of pre-existing and potential dynamics of freedom. The question of where: Defning a space of research One of the frst decisions to make was where to place the research.
The defnition of a space of research is crucial in order to handle the data and fndings in a specifc spatial entity. In the case of divided Nicosia, the research setting should include relatively equal parts of both sides, a variety of land use, a historical signifcance and a suffcient population sample 8. The old city of Nicosia, surrounded by the cyclical Venetian walls, undoubtedly creates a whole that is divided into two almost equal parts by the Green Line: the Turkish Cypriot North and the Greek Cypriot South.
The Venetian Walls constitute a common historical reference, which both sides employ in their symbols and maps of the city. However, what makes the Walled City most interesting is the fact that the Venetian fortifcations constitute the city's frst border. The frst version of the city's walls dates back to the Lusignan period 9.
While functioning as a shelter for the ones included, it was also a defensive border from the ones excluded. It defned inside and outside in spatial terms, yet that was never enough to prevent each enemy from fnally invading the city. Coming back to the present day, in such a context, the Green Line and the buffer zone between the two borderlines constitute a wall inside the wall. However, two different conceptual qualities of the term emerge.
Following the thought of Peter Marcuse , walls produce and refect fear as well as security. On one hand, the Wall around the city and on the other the Wall inside the city: the one that includes in order to protect and another that divides and leads to increasing insecurity and absence of trust. In this confguration, the borderline represents the peak of both separation and contact between the two sides.
During my research, I stayed in various places in order to experience different neighbourhoods and viewpoints of the area. For a period of eight months, I rented a house in the Old City's quarter of Agios Kassianos 10, named after the homonymous local church. In that neighbourhood, I had the chance to live among locals, who had experienced the days of the war there, but also among newcomers, who are part of the neighbourhood's regeneration, and foreigners, either immigrants or people working for the United Nations.
My background as an architect inevitably had its infuence on my research. At one and the same time, this environment is a landscape of war and confict, physically divided by a borderline, whilst also being the only area included in one bi-communal Master Plan with two sections working under the supervision of the United Nations Development Programme, as I will discuss later.
The Old City looks like a colourful urban mosaic of different spatial qualities, from gentrifed neighbourhoods to ghost-areas and from immigrants' neighbourhoods to commercial, touristic zones. This remarkable proximity of both parts constitutes another reason why the Old City has been chosen as a space of research.
As I describe in a next chapter, the city has been divided into 25 quarters since the British rule, in The question of when, however, does not only refer to the historical process of transformation but it is also about the historical context within which the current work chooses to place itself. As part of a spatial approach, time is perceived here in relation to space.
Therefore, the social spatialisation of the urban life in a landscape of confict carries both the load of history and the promise of the forthcoming future. It carries the scars of the past and the potential healing. This thesis perceives space and time in a dialectical relation within a spatialisation process of memory and oblivion. The period of research and the timeline in which the thesis places itself is the period after the opening of the barricades, i.
The opening of the barricades merged past, present and future, both in terms of space and time. The penetrable Green Line still carries the load of the historical division, while at the same time offering a taste of a future reunifcation. Moreover, during the last ten years, crucial changes occurred with 11 However, while the feldwork was coming to an end, Cyprus entered a new era placing itself within the domino of the capitalist crisis.
I perceive this junction point as a new era, still developing and unfortunatelly only shortly discussed here. This game between past, present and future takes place within all phases of my feldwork. During my interviews, for instance, I was interested in the actors' personal stories and memories of the past as present narratives, their desire regarding the future and their actions within the present.
The question of who: Defning the actors Apart from the interviewing procedure, this work would not have been the same if I had not had the opportunity to live in the old city for a suffcient period of time. Although I am not in the position to write down in detail every unstructured discussion and personal observation, those elements play the role of the broader atmosphere affecting the pages that follow.
My constant will and effort was to develop a closer, more personal contact with people on both sides. However, due to several limitations and obstacles, this was not possible in the way I would have wished. Thus, the interviewing process, conducted in the equivalent mother tongues, kept a satisfying balance, covering a suffcient spectrum of actors.
The selection of the participants adheres to the research methodology guidelines regarding the feldwork. All groups of informants act in what I call t h e common space, since they are people who perceive the old city as the collective space, that is, the enlargement of their personal Space; they have a 12 In the period of my feldwork, i.
It is safe to argue that Nicosia turns into a contemporary urban sprawl. Additionally, for the Greek Cypriots to speak the Greek language as spoken in Greece can be sometimes an effort. Similarly, they compose civil space as a dialectical component of political space as long as they are the certain public body, which forms an entity, without ignoring the national, class, gender, religious and other distinctions.
I present a detailed mapping of their presence that leads to the construction of the city's image with new invisible walls and segregations in psycho-geographical terms beyond the visible concrete one. Although I am not in the position to map them separately, I underline the distinction. Cyprus carries one interesting contradiction: it is a small place with a big history.
Moreover, insisting in a spatial approach, I argue that space can serve as a canvas to explore historical inscriptions and erasures of power and everyday dynamics, while forming a thread that links the past to the present and the future. From this perspective, I focus on periods, junction points and signifcant moments that describe best the historical context of the current problematic.
From the Lusignan period to the British, from the anti-colonisation struggle to the division and from the opening of the barricades to Cyprus of crisis, the city of Nicosia is a continuous local witness of global developments. The central thought behind this chapter is to present the actual terrain and provide its image being, however, in constant contact with the current research interests, beyond a detailed, solid historical presentation that has already been written by exceptional authors, whom this chapter draws upon anyway.
In the second chapter I provide a literature review based on the crucial arguments I draw upon. I focus on the production of space in a landscape of confict, forming the background, against which three interrelated theoretical axes develop regarding physical, social and mental aspects of space. The third chapter is actually the link between theory and feldwork. If this thesis has followed a long back and forth journey between theory and feldwork, then methodology has been surely the vehicle.
I could say that the methodology chapter is a joint unit of conceptualisation and methodology. In other words, it presents my research pivots, decisions, paths and expectations. From this perspective, I approach theory and methodology in an unbreakable interrelation. This is why I choose to follow a quite common structure with the literature review and the following feldwork chapters, in order to underline the dialectical relation of literature-theory-conceptualisation- methodology-feldwork-conclusions, being a rough scheme of my pathway.
To make that clearer, in this chapter I plan to respond to the questions of why, how and what. Firstly, I elaborate on the main decision to follow a spatial approach towards my case study. This is the point where I present the way in which literature pivots turns into employed theory and theory transforms into a conceptual framework decisions through the selected arguments presented in the relevant chapter.
Secondly, I introduce the specifc case study in the discussion in order to spot the methods paths needed in order to answer my research questions and examine the central hypothesis expectations. The case study becomes central in this sense, while I elaborate on my choices to approach it.
Finally, I particularise a design of the feldwork coming to details about participants, location, materials and the construction of the interviewer. From interviewing processes to mental mapping and from audio-visual material to participatory research, I hope to describe the vehicle that helped me respond to my research questions and confrm my hypothesis.
On one hand, I argue that power dialectics create certain visibilities of confict, while on the other I aim to explore this contesting realm through spatial practice, spatial representations and the space of representation. To be more specifc, I choose to present a mapping of frstly mental representations of the social space of confict and secondly of grassroots and institutional actions towards a reclaiming of the common space.
According to the above, in Chapter 4, I elaborate on a combination of a narrative interviewing process and a mental mapping process in order to present personal and collective space in real both physical and social and imaginary terms. Additionally, in Chapter 5, I shed light upon the common space of demand composed by collective and civil space. At this point, I introduce the key-factors of resistance, reclaim, demand and action in order to focus on the emerging dynamics of socio-spatial restructuring.
In this framework, I include both grassroots activism and institutional initiatives with reference to bi- communal cooperation, reconciliation and a new radical politics. Additionally, I argue that there is a crucial third actor that needs to be highlighted, i. This fnal chapter gathers all my elements together, linking the beginning of the research process with its fnal phase, in a circle that includes the dissertation's motivations, paths, fndings and emerging questions to be tackled.
In this chapter, I do not aim to simply present my research fndings once again but rather I hope to discuss them, while revealing certain gaps that future research might fll them in. Old stone to new building, old timber to new fres, Old fres to ashes, and ashes to the earth T. Multiple layers of time, either hidden or visible, compose the historical and cultural capital of the city in a space of formal narratives and informal secrets.
In this context, I construct a travelogue in space and time, attempting to offer a sense of the past and the present, while contextualising the walled city within Nicosia, Cyprus and the world. Space is a meeting point of people who have passed by, of their decisions, their birth and death, their personal and collective moments as well as of the mark they had chosen to leave behind, reminiscent of their presence throughout time.
The place is so small that neither people nor history can remain in shadows forever. The whole island of Cyprus extends to an area of 9, sq. A linear zone of sq. Additionally, the British sovereign base areas occupy another sq km of the island. Crossroads of three continents: Aerial photo of Cyprus Google Earth With respect to population17, once again the numbers make the portrait of a 17 Here I refer to the two main communities, i. According to the latest census conducted in the south, in the population in the government- controlled areas was , In the north, according to the census the population was , Hatay and Braynt, However, the census has been judged as not accurate, while other estimations argue that the population in the TRNC is around , ICG, or around , Trimikliniotis and Bozkurt, 3.
Nevertheless, according to the census, , were TRNC citizens, 70, were citizens of Turkey19, and 8, were from other countries Hatay and Braynt, There has to be a certain distinction since not all people coming from Turkey to the northern part of Cyprus are settlers.
The broader region of Nicosia expands within this mountainous embrace hosting around , inhabitants in the south, while around 85, inhabit the northern part. Thus, these Walls have a long story to tell dating back to the Lusignan period Fig. However, Nicosia is a good example to confrm the idea that walls are not always unbeatable or at least able to implement their role.
That had been made clear already by the 15 th century, when the island changed hands coming under the Venetian rule. Some sources mention that it has been awarded the Guiness Record of the biggest fag in the world. Once again, the fortifcations were supposed to save the city from a possible external attack, this time from the Ottomans.
By , however, the island and the city of Nicosia changed rulers once again coming under Ottoman administration. During the centuries of the Ottoman rule, in almost years, the image of Nicosia changed a lot with respect to both animate and inanimate aspects.
This unique farrago is in fact what still makes the old city of Nicosia an exceptional place of architectural and historical interest. British Cyprus. In the next years, the river Pedieos or Pithkias or Kanli Dere was meant to give its place to other spatial functions. In the Ottoman period it had become a dump as well as an invisible border that was separating the Ottoman administration from the Christian Orthodox centre Kliot and Mansfeld, This transformation was not only a problem of the city in hygiene and epidemic terms but it also led to severe foods and as a result to the drowning of people and animals Maragkou, The river, the dry riverbed, the dump and the commercial zone gave their place to the Green Line.
Part of her project shows how Ermou Street used to be before the division that gave its place to the UN-controlled buffer zone. It was the beginning of a historical route towards the 20 th century that was about to bring dramatic events and junction points in a global and local scale. The British era was marked by strong transformations in the feld of population, administration and the built environment. Soon after the declaration of Cyprus as a British colony in early 20 th century, Cypriots started immigrating to Britain while being replaced by British and European settlement.
Additionally, the combination of the declaration together with the establishment of the Turkish Republic lead many Turkish-speaking Cypriots leave the island heading to Turkey, while the events in Izmir 26 and Anatolia caused a sort of population exchange, since Greek-speaking people from Izmir and Armenians took the place of the migrated Turkish-speaking Cypriots to Turkey Hatay and Bryant, The island was changing, the capital was changing and new inscriptions and erasures had to compose the new environment.
New techniques, organisation methods and, of course, money contributed to new plans for the island and for the old city, too. It was the era in which the old city of Nicosia was starting to transform into a vivid place of commerce, a lot reminiscent of what many quarters 27 of the city look like today on both sides, except for the fact that in those days the commercial zones were mixed, while both communities had unquestionable interaction.
At the same time, while the old city was attracting commercial activities, many inhabitants were looking for less packed areas with suffcient space to built new, bigger homes. The city had started to expand to districts and areas that nowadays compose the urban area of broader Nicosia outside the walls.
Many would still remember neighbourhoods that used to be empty felds, rapidly turning into urbanised areas with big residences and a mixed population including Greek and Turkish-speakers as well as British. Nicosia was the frst to taste the division in , two decades before the rest of the island, while Cyprus was still under British administration.
The economic crisis in together with sharpening social contradiction and increased taxes imposed by the British would lead to a revolt in and would already prepare the condition for the anti-colonial movement Sakellaropoulos, These days t h e labyrinthine city had become a big battlefeld between EOKA and the British but also of inter-communal conficts.
Among the targets of these two paramilitary nationalist organisations, however, there had been also Cypriots from both communities, who were supporting friendship and co-existence. These inter-communal conficts were getting more and more intense and uncontrollable by the British authorities.
As a result, the frst division between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots took place in , while roadblocks and barricades, including Ledra Street32 formed a Turkish Cypriot north and a Greek Cypriot south. However, the division was meant to take much more harsh and solid forms than the frst one, which soon became penetrable, while Cyprus was following the path towards its independence proclamation.
In after the Zurich and London Agreements, Nicosia seemed to take a breath hosting this time, at least offcially, celebrations for the independence and the declaration of the Republic of Cyprus. These two men were meant to become symbols of this declaration and at the same time of an exceptionally short-living Republic in its initial form.
They were both found killed by TMT, embraced in a car and since then symbolise peace, solidarity and friendship among the two communities at least for the Left. However, one of the two National Struggle Museums33 existing on both sides of the old city, underlines this part of history. I refer to the National Struggle Museum in the northern part of city that presents the Turkish Cypriot narrative regarding the events while the synonymous museum in the south tells a different story.
Interestingly, both museums refer to the same time period, highlighting however different events and moments that help to construct the desirable narrative. As a result, while the museum on the Greek Cypriot south highlights the anti-colonial struggle and the proud fght of EOKA, the Turkish Cypriot Museum reminds the locals and informs the tourists about these past Christmas in Everything started when in the early hours of the 21 st of December in a Greek Cypriot police patrol in Nicosia stopped a group of three Turkish Cypriots to check their IDs.
They were two men and a Turkish Cypriot prostitute, called Cemaliye Emirali. It was late and the three of them had been already drunk. It was the beginning of a massive revolt that got even more intense when police forces tried to restrain the reactions. On the other hand, Turkish Cypriots employ the events in order to justify their quest for partition The largest such enclave was Nicosia, which included the northern half of the walled city as well as the suburbs that emanated from it.
The last act 34 I refer to the dominant narrative, according to which Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots have proved unable to co-exist, and therefore there is a certain distrust towards reunifcation and a partition is preferred by the Turkish Cypriots.. Invasion is a term mostly used by Greek Cypriots and Greeks in order to highlight the following occupation by the Turkish army.
Once again, the old city of Nicosia was a central scene, where the events were taking place. The city had been already divided and its borderline meant to be extended from one western corner of the island to the east, forming a pure Turkish Cypriot north and a pure Greek Cypriot south especially after the displacement of people to the opposite side.
Nicosia became one capital in halves or a double capital with respect to two different narratives. For Turkey and the offcial position of the TRNC there are two separate states that could only function under the umbrella of a bi-communal bi-zonal federation or a con-federation of two states. These two offcial narratives are refected in minor and major moments of the socio-spatial life in Nicosia and the rest of the island.
The war left behind a partitioned land, a sense of distrust and insecurity, a sense of multiple betray, killed people from both sides, hundreds of still missing persons and a traumatic displacement that turned Cypriots to refugees in their own land Hadjiyianni, Around , Greek Cypriots were forced to abandon their cities and villages in the north, while around 60, were the displaced Turkish Cypriots Nowadays in Nicosia, you can still read the inscriptions of both the war and the emerging need to turn a next page, thus between the lines of the modern urbanisation.
It is the narrowest crossing, where one side has eye contact with the other, while crossing opposite takes only a few steps. This proximity of the two sides creates new interesting socio-spatial qualities. Interestingly, after the opening of the barricades, present refects both past and future: the opening offers poignant images of a future re-unifed city, while at the same time being mere small breaks along the borderline, which serves as a constant reminder of the traumatic past.
Moreover, a re-conceptualisation of the buffer zone itself emerges. In this sense, the buffer zone between the two borderlines was a newborn non-place produced by the division. However, this defnition of the buffer zone refects its perception before the opening of the barricades. It represents a period when the crossing from one side to the other was extremely diffcult, while nationalist attacks as well as punishment executions have taken place.
The period marked by the execution of the Greek Cypriot Solomos Solomou 37, while trying to lower the Turkish fag, no longer characterises the status of the area. Turkish snipers killed him while he was still hanging on the fagpole. This incident took place in the same place, where some days ago another Greek Cypriot, Tassos Isaak was killed during inter-communal riots after the rally organised by Cyprus Motorcycle Federation against the Turkish occupation. At the same time, Turkish Cypriots do not feel that comfortable in neighbourhoods inhabited by Arab-Turks or other rather blighted areas of workshops and garages that look like ghost-areas during the night.
However, this bridge has not actually brought people together in the same place but round a common imaginary axis that forms a commercial pedestrianised route Fig. However, the dominant narratives of the two sides are not absent along this vertical bridge. I argue that while the southern side seems to create an unencumbered visual escape pointing to the north; i. However, either seamless or ruptured, the vertical bridge is the visual and physical link between the two sides.
As shown in Fig. Two important religious places Phaneromeni church in the south and Selimiye Mosque in the north constitute a frst refection, being close in actual space, yet distant in terms of cultural and socio-spatial reference. Furthermore, two municipal markets are a third mirroring in space, being extremely close to each other, yet simultaneously far away, since goods do not cross this small distance. This is exactly what I mean when referring to the cry of visibility that the social space of confict expresses.
It is not surprising that beyond other reasons many use it as a symbol, from the municipal authorities to groups of people that refer to the city. During the British rule, the old city of Nicosia had been divided into 25 quarters each keeping its original name either Ottoman or Greek until now. Each part of the mosaic has its own character and history.
For instance, some of the quarters used to be mixed ones e. Taht El Kale , while others were exclusively Christian-orthodox or Muslim areas. Other quarters had been abandoned soon after and re-inhabited during the next decades. There are ghost-areas of untended workshops and garages that create a rather uncomfortable atmosphere during the night mostly leading to dead ends formed by the border.
However, the old city of Nicosia is the emerging new hip on both sides. Buildings are being restored, new coffee shops and bars pop out in former abandoned places along the borderline and the rents are getting high. New actors and new uses create a newborn terrain, where fnancial interests seem to play a leading role.
On the other hand, one might argue that this can function as a link, too. Which are the actual walls though? In a nutshell, the plan proposed by the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Kof Atta Annan, had derived from the concept of the bizonal, bicommunal federation consisting of two politically equal communities Fouskas and Tackie, On 31 March the fnal version of the Annan Plan No. The proposed newborn United Cyprus Republic would actually be an independent federal state composed by two equal constituent states, i.
Within this broader concept, there were detailed axes referring to the government and its structure referring to the new government's constitution, territory, representation, equality etc , the property issue , security arrangements referring to defence and international obligations , external relations for instance, referring to the European Union , fnances referring to the state's currency, banks, monetary policy, taxation etc. Firstly, the fnal decision was in the hands of the people, bringing the negotiation table closer to everyday actors.
In this sense, the political space and its fnal form became a matter that concerned the personal and collective space of individuals, who would decide one way or another. Secondly, the political debate and the possible change of the status quo brought the other side closer, since the other community's decision became a crucial factor no one could ignore. From this perspective, it was an open question, whether a new common space would emerge or not, while Cyprus was turning over a next historical page.
As a result, the Annan Plan was rejected and I argue that this might be perceived as the starting point for a new era in terms of reconciliation processes. The rejection of the Annan Plan is one, yet critical, component of that period, which was marked by the frst opening of the barricades in Ledra Palce Crossing, the accession of the RoC to the EU and the broader developments in a global context. The disappointment regarding the peace-talks and the mainstream politics as well as the possibility to cross the border and have a direct taste of a possible reunifcation, gave birth to a political subjectivity referring to grassroots urban activism for more see 5.
Nicosia has been once again the perfect place to host various actions, while its shape and size can spatialise the emerging need for a communal identity in contrast to bi-communalism. In Chapter 5, I offer thorough analysis of the emerging subjectivity and its signifcant moments. A month earlier, Anastasiadis had won the frst round of the presidential elections, while after the second round, a week later, he became offcially the new President of the Republic, replacing AKEL's Dimitris Christofas I argue that this Sunday night carries a particular signifcance; it concentrates elements of the historical path of socio-political transformations, while turning a page in the Cypriot history, rearranging both dominant as well as antagonistic discourses.
Although politics includes also the arts of distorting memory and lethe, it is hard to forget another Presidential Proclamation almost three months before the one mentioned above. Dimitris Christofas, being the elected President of the Republic of Cyprus, gives a televised Tuesday-night speech on 4 December to the Greek Cypriot people. The link between the current economic crisis and the events suggests that there is a common external enemy, a national threat that only the national unity can beat.
In this context, Nicosia is again the spatial terrain to receive both the political developments and the social indignation. Soon after the Presidential Proclamation, the southern part of Nicosia experienced some of the most massive rallies in recent history not straightly referring to the national issue but to the economic policy. Thousands of people were gathering every day out of the House of Representatives or the Presidential Palace. However, the junction point of March cannot be seen out of the broader picture of the particular socio-political and of course fnancial situation in the case of Cyprus.
After the war the island found itself crushed not just by division and death but also from a serious economic disaster, with unemployment and hunger reaching high levels. Providing a short picture I argue that, indeed, the development of the post-war Cypriot economy based mainly on banking-fnance, tourism and construction is constituted by capital fows initially from the Middle-East, mainly from Lebanon, and from the countries of the ex-USSR after the collapse, mainly Russia and ex-Yugoslavia.
But this is one side of the story, while the other side of the story points to the cheap and harsh labor of the refugees after the war, the massive waves of Cypriot migrants and emigrants in overseas industries, the long and brutal exploitation of immigrant labor.
On top of that came the breaking of agricultural production for the beneft of real-estate and the tourist industry and the choices of the local bourgeoisie to make an economic bubble for the furthering of its interests, handing over crumbs of prosperity to the working people who, shattered as they were by war and division, were ready to embrace a new life.
In this context, the Green Line has separated two different economic pathways, while nowadays constituting the eastern EU-border that defnes the European periphery in times of crisis. Translating this into the vocabulary of the present study, this chapter is actually a conceptual mapping. In the following sections, I invite theoretical trends and theorists round a common table, constructing an imaginary dialogue that helps me defne the theoretical and conceptual framework of my work as well as the tools to collect, evaluate and manage my feldwork data.
What is the social space of confict? How is it being produced? How does physical space interact with mental space? Finally, which is the central point that lets this thesis fnd its place within the broader theoretical debate? It is safe to argue that, among other issues, this book is a milestone with respect to spatial practice, imagination and experience.
Verifying the spatial existence of social relations of production, the proposed theoretical approach introduces the spatiality45 of actions, concepts and practices. Spatiality becomes actually an approach to knowledge, notions and certain cases. On the other hand, spatiality offers critical hints of the production of space itself; space is not produced in a social vacuum by any means.
This crisis can be thoroughly analysed within its refection on total vs. In this sense, space is much more than a concrete three-dimensional model composed by axes, distances and points. On the contrary, it is a system that combines multiple levels of human life. Here, I refer to the dominant dichotomy of private vs. On one hand, there is material space, referring to the physical environment that can be quantifably measurable, which Soja calls the Firstspace historicality. Moreover, none of the parts of the triad can operate alone, in itself, but instead they all have equal value in the understanding of space as a dialectical whole This notion penetrates both spatial and social realm, suggesting that space as well as society is much more than the sum of its components.
It introduces a conception of the inseparable whole see 2. I fnd this term particularly sharp for space-time dialectics. Time is much more the sum of its moments; space is much more than the sum of its spatial moments. For Lefebvre time is a social product. I n Rythmanalysis.
While suggesting that the production of space is bound up with the production of time, it is also made clear that space is perceived as an ongoing process. In this sense, Rob Shields commends that the term space does not refect the notion of a space continuously under construction. Attempting to thickly summarise the above, I come up with a fundamental understanding of social space52 as an inseparable entity of spatial practice, representations and lived experience.
I call this a spatial approach that manages to explore certain applications, as for instance the case of divided cities, beyond the dichotomy of macro-geopolitical and micro-scale approaches; beyond separating political aspects from economic, economic from social and social from cultural Trimikliniotis and Bozkurt, The need to transcend this dichotomy and other binary schemes towards a dialectical synthesis is furthermore interestingly underlined in the case of divided cities, where the perception of space and social life is physically, mentally and socially distorted.
At frst sight, these spatial representations of confict, physically appearing in the form of barbed wire fences, check-points, military troops etc, gain certain hegemony over other moments of social space, being pivotal for the development of a divided physical landscape, while determining the symbolic space. They narrate historiographies in their own way, while developing certain ideologies, socio-spatial stereotypes, mnemonic policies and nationalisms. At the same time, divided cities are examples in which physical space is too strict to easily let other moments of space equally infuence its dominance.
How could we ever expect a perception of space in its totality, since the spatial entity is disrupted in an absolute way by walls and borders? Instead, it has formed two new entities that may potentially hope to function together.
Even if physical space and the spatial representations of urban planners manage to form a spatial urban unity, it is not sure at all that a social unity, in terms of a thirdspace of lived experience, or even more a perception of this socio-spatial wholeness will be realised. In this sense, if social space is conceived as a spatial whole combining physical, mental and social aspects, then the social space of confict is the distorted or absent spatial totality.
Moreover, the social space of confict manifests a distortion with respect to time. On the other hand, although invisible for the inhabitants on both sides of the city, the buffer zone produces parallel rhythms; it freezes historical time 53, while producing its own new micro-rhythms. In this sense, the social space of confict develops in a distorted process of spatialisation; it manifests spatio-temporal discontinuities. However, is the problem or the quest of wholeness an important issue and an emerging task?
I argue that despite signifcant obstacles, perceiving social space as a whole is of great importance with respect to an analysis and a re- defnition of the social space of confict being a crucial precondition for its restructuring.
Regarding a divided city, the harshest effect of the physical division by a concrete material border is the disruption of the spatial whole with respect to physical space and its perceptions. In his characteristic work on the Image of the City, Kevin Lynch makes a great effort to elaborate on the image of the city, arguing that the incapability to map urban space as a system composed by different elements is in the core of urban alienation.
Employing Boston, Jersey City and Los Angeles as case studies, he introduces fve elements into which the city's images can be classifed: paths, edges, districts, nodes and landmarks. This crucial gap, as I argue below, is flled in by the construction of stereotypical socio-spatial perceptions, manifested by discourses and mental representations There are two points nicely tided up in the above quote.
Firstly, Jameson provides a link between spatial and social realm, while secondly underlining the signifcance of wholeness on both levels. This link of the social to the spatial sphere is further highlighted, when Jameson argues that Lynch's spatial analysis could be extrapolated 54 See section 1. He suggests a mapping of more complete and higher forms of perceiving the world and human experience, a mapping of social life as a whole. This totality remains unrepresentable as far as it does not constitute a notion of an absolute truth or else an absolute form.
However, according to him, it manifests its presence on one hand through its very absence as a concrete form and on the other as a continuous process, a methodological direction. But let us be serious: anyone who believes that the proft motive and the logic of capital accumulation are not the fundamental laws of this world, who believes that these do not set absolute barriers and limits to social changes and transformations undertaken in it such a person is living in an alternative universe; […] Because if capital does not exist, then clearly socialism does not exist either.
I am far from suggesting that no politics at all is possible in this new postMarxian Nietzschean world of Micropolitics that is observably untrue. Summarising the above, I come up with an interesting link. I have already underlined that the absent sense of totality leads to spatial alienation and a distorted understanding of the socio-spatial environment. Combining the above, to the Lefebvrian conceptualisation, as it is negotiated in the frst section, I suggest that the conception of totalisation fnds its spatial grounding in the idea of social spatialisation, as long as the latter represents the continuous process of spatialising social relations in an inseparable whole of perceived, conceived and lived space.
In this sense, I come up with a defnition of social space being the spatial totality of interweaving spatial moments continuously under construction as an unfnished process of totalisation. This is the way I am dealing with the social space of confict in the current thesis. This public reality includes both what is exposed and what remains hidden. At the same time, there is also an invisible reality; the individualised reality of privacy.
In a rough way, we could then argue that public is visible, while private is invisible, in the way home is a private reality offering a shelter against public exposure. Arrendt  50 uses the example of expressing sharp bodily pain in order to explain this de-individualised reality of a subjective borderline between life and death; through expressed bodily pain, life and death enter the public realm.
Michel Foucault would reply: power. For Foucault  , visibility is a product of power, exercised by examination and contributing to discipline and control. It is a normalizing gaze, a surveillance that makes it possible to qualify, to classify and to punish. However, whilst the division and control are visible and present, certain invisibility is needed in order to assure discipline.
Moreover, the same visible products and components of power need to be somehow invisible and therefore everywhere, determining public reality and private attitude. In discipline, it is the subjects who have to be seen. Thus, visibility is used here in multiple, yet contradictory ways. It is used as a product of power the way Michel Foucault sees it and concomitantly as a demand of the social sphere. That said I choose to employ and commend on Foucault and his conception of power, discipline and control for in his book Discipline and Punish.
In this sense, whatever is visible and can be perceived as the surrounding reality is produced by power. In this framework, visibility is a key word that needs to be re- conceptualised. From this perspective, visibility becomes a quest and a tactical tool towards the establishment of the socio-spatial totality. However, to turn the Wall into a Door you need a Keyhole.
But who holds the Key? However, I argue that there is a need to dig a bit further towards the defnition of the actual socio-spatial contestations, especially with respect to divided cities. I start with a clear statement: in a space of confict, common space is in contest; power seeks to enclose in the way de Angelis 55 sees it it, while resisting dynamics attempt to reclaim it.
In order to justify the above argument, I need to elaborate on common space and its various contestations. According to him, the popular dichotomy between public and private space gets further analysed —if not rejected- suggesting two interrelated reference points in order to understand primary and secondary distinctions and analyse social space: human communication within social sphere and dialectics of power with respect to state power.
With respect to social sphere, social space is the interrelation of personal and public space collective space, civil space and state , while in terms of state power social space is the composition of private personal and collective and political civil space and state space. In this framework, a fourfold understanding of social space is introduced, composed by personal space, collective space, civil space and state.
Moreover, common space being both collective and civil emerges as the terrain, where these two dynamics meet, compete and claim hegemony. After a while he makes some reserved steps to the right and stops; he has hit against an invisible wall. He touches it; he tries to fnd the exit. No luck. After a while he steps on the left. No exit. He steps forth and back. Invisible, solid walls everywhere.
He tries to exit again and again but his steps get more and more limited. Every wall has come closer; the cell has become tighter. However, this openness has cost much enclosure. Although other control methods would easily replace them, material walls are used in order to resolve confict and reduce violence. One obvious point is that walls are the cheapest way to control violent confrontations quickly and temporarily.
However, I would go beyond that argument insisting that walls are products of unsolvable confict, while producing landscapes of confict. They are parts of a vicious circle that constantly rearranges what is visible and invisible, while territorialising confict.
In order to create a certain new reality, urban divisions and landscapes of confict employ elements in order to create a new urban text. Kliot and Mansfeld have thoroughly elaborated on the political landscape of partition with respect to the case of Cyprus. In a nutshell, according to them, there are fve elements that compose the political landscape: i boundaries and frontiers, i. However, focusing especially on the symbolic space of landmarks and symbols, the symbolic space can be seen as a composition of places of continuity and transformation with respect to place-names, the cultural landscape religious places, monuments etc and the mnemonic policies followed in the post-confict period de Certeau, ; Kliot and Mansfeld, ; Papadakis, In the case of Cyprus two different policies emerge referring to the two different offcial narratives and the two different offcial expectations regarding the Cyprus problem.
In , Raw citrus by itself constituted In August , new EU rules allowed goods produced or substantially transformed in the area administered by Turkish Cypriots to be sold duty-free to consumers in the government-controlled area and through that area to the rest of the EU. Animal products are excluded from this arrangement.
In , Turkish Cypriot authorities adopted a new regulation "mirroring" the EU rules and allowing certain goods produced in the government-controlled areas to be sold in the area administered by Turkish Cypriots. However, suppliers cannot legally transport imported products over the green line in either direction. Despite these efforts, direct trade between the two communities remains limited comprising only 0. Banking Since the North Cyprus became and achieved a huge growth of econmy since , the banking system has changed inevitably.
All types of bank services are provided in Northern Cyprus and they are flexible enough to satisfy the continually diversifying needs of the business community. In recent years banks in North Cyprus have expanded their activities beyond traditional banking and their services include insurance, leasing, hire purchase finance, factoring, mutual fund management, investment and consulting as well as custody and asset management services.
They have also developed new products and services through electronic means or electronic access online banking , using alternative distribution channels such as the internet, call centers, etc. Most of the banks are supplied with English speaking employees, the best chance to master language obstacle is in the foreign exchange section of the bank. Banking in North Cyprus can seem quite difficult at first but once you see your options you will be more relaxed.
Most expatriates seem to like HSBC due to their familiarity with it and brand name recognition. But there are other options that are just as reliable and trustworthy. Just remember to apply the same amount of skepticism here as you would else where.
After all this is Northern Cyprus and things are more laid back but that still does not mean that you should bank your life savings at Uncle Toms First Mutual Bank. Currently, there are 24 commercial banks plus a Development Bank operating in Northern Cyprus. Tourism The tourism sector of Northern Cyprus has seen high levels of constant growth. The number of tourists had doubled since , which saw , tourists. The economy of North Cyprus has witnessed a rapid growth during the past few years; predominantly thanks to tourism sector.
Tourism has taken the priority and its share in the GDP increases from year to year. In February , after a hiatus of nearly two years, the leaders of the two communities resumed formal discussions under UN auspices aimed at reuniting the divided island. The talks are ongoing. The entire island entered the EU on 1 May , although the EU acquis - the body of common rights and obligations - applies only to the areas under the internationally recognized government, and is suspended in the areas administered by Turkish Cypriots.
However, individual Turkish Cypriots able to document their eligibility for Republic of Cyprus citizenship legally enjoy the same rights accorded to other citizens of European Union states. Turkish Cypriot independent Mustafa Akinci swept to victory in presidential elections on 26 April , clinching Akinci had pledged to push for a peace deal with Greek Cypriots.
As such, the project is unique in the world. The project was officially initiated in March with the construction of Alakopru Dam in Anamur. The line is 80 kilometers 50 miles long and runs meters yards below sea level. It is expected to deliver about 20 billion gallons of water annually to Cyprus.
Cyprus is short of surface water and groundwater due to inadequate rainfall. Following the realization of the project, irrigated farming at an area of 4, ha 11, acres in Mesaoria Plains, one of largest plains of the island, will help improve the standard of living in the region. The total investment cost of the project is budgeted at TL million approx.
The realization of the project took place on October 8, with the arrival of first waters in Northern Cyprus pumped from Turkey. There are many currency exchange offices in all of the major towns, all of which will change Sterling to Turkish Lira.
You can also exchange money at one of the many banks in Northern Cyprus. Most banks have English speaking staff who are happy to help with exchanging money or opening up a bank account. It is often better to wait until you get to North Cyprus to change your money into Lira, as the exchange rates tend to be much better than those in the UK. As with all banks a ticket system is used to be severed by the cashier. On arrival you take a ticket from the machine near the door and wait to be called.
Accounts can be opened in Lira or sterling and a time deposit accounts pay a high rate of interest per month. The banks operate summer and winter working hours. Please be aware that summer hours are usually 8. Cash machines are widely used and some ATM machines give you the option of withdrawing Lira, Euros and Dollars, however check with your bank before your holiday regarding foreign use charges and to ensure that your card is activated for use abroad.
Cash Also please be advised that some banks will not accept cash that does not have a stamp from the Turkish Central Bank. They actually will accept it if you have an account with them but if you are a tourist its better to use the money changers or exchange houses. If you need to use the bank in order to make a deposit at the bank then swapping the money at a local exchange shop is your best bet.
Another option that the bank may offer you is to photocopy every bill and then if found to be fake later they will contact you. Not really the best option. This is especially the case with US dollars and this extra security is instituted since most banks branches in North Cyprus do not have the proper equipment to identify said counterfeit bills. Exchanging all hard currencies in banks, exchange offices and in hotels, is possible.
Cards Almost all cards are accepted in North Cyprus. Visa, MasterCard, and Discover cards are welcome at almost every shop and restaurant in Northern Cyprus and can be used in many ATMs to withdraw money although bank charges may apply. However, as of late American Express cards have seemed to become pretty useless in North Cyprus.
Only one or two banks have a deal with American express and as such only shops or restaurants that have that swipe machine will accept an American Express Card. Atleks Onder is one of the few shops that does accept this card. Only please note that the swipe machine is not at the main checkout register. Applying for a card is a pretty hassle free process although depending on what type of card you apply for it can take up to a month for it to be delivered.
In most cases these cards are sent here from Turkey. Locals can register with their ID cards but if you a foreigner you will need to present your passport when applying for an account. Please do not rely entirely on your credit cards as some establishments still do not have the facilities to accept them. Bring some cash with you. Crime rate in North Cyprus is almost at zero level.
If money or other belongings are stolen, the case is most commonly related to tourists. Cheques If you feel uncomfortable carrying large amounts of cash, then euro cheques and traveller cheques are accepted and easily exchanged in banks, exchange bureaux and hotels across North Cyprus.
Cheque books are recommended to bring if you want to buy a property in North Cyprus. Loans and Mortgage Plans for Property in Cyprus Nowadays, many home buyers, even the ones who do not have difficulty with funds, understand all the benefits of credit plans. Low interest rate in North Cyprus, make credit plans attractive to anyone. The popularity of mortgages for property in North Cyprus is determined by the easy process of purchasing property in credit terms, the lack of any formalities related to the provision of documents, favorable credit conditions, as well as favorable interest rates on loans.
In our experience, many home buyers in North Cyprus, purchase property using credit plans, however they become owners of the property straight after registration of the contract and not after the credit is paid off. For a foreign citizen, receiving a bank loan in North Cyprus is quiet a complicated process, therefore developers, with a view of attracting foreign buyers, offer flexible payment plans and credit loans.
Foreign citizens are very active property buyers in North Cyprus, therefore even those construction companies who do not have sufficient funds to provide credit for the customer, take loans in the banks and supply credit plans for the buyers.
Credit for years can be obtained in North Cyprus only using valid passport and down payment for the property. Acquired property becomes security guarantee for the loan. It should be noted that, despite the duration of the credit plan in North Cyprus, the buyer is the owner and is entitled to rent or sell property even if with outstanding credit.
Moreover, with proper management of the acquired property, if it will be used for rental, not only does it cover all the costs of the loan, but also brings profit. Since the loan in North Cyprus is provided directly by the developers, then the credit terms conditions offered are different.
Terms of the acquisition of real estate loans vary depending on the project, payment terms and the market situation, but they share the following rules:. It is not hard to obtain a loan in Cyprus from the development company. You can arrange the purchase of property in Northern Cyprus with a credit plan, not even coming to the island for processing the transaction. North Cyprus mortgages: buying off-plan The vast majority of North Cyprus villa and apartment purchases are of new-build properties, where you can customise your new place in the sun to your own tastes and requirements.
This also offers advantages when financing your property purchase in North Cyprus, since payments are staggered in instalments through the construction period, and you do not need to find the full costs all at once. Furthermore, there is the very real chance that your property will have increased in value over the months it takes to build, so your money is working hard alongside your builders!
Releasing equity and re-mortgaging in the UK Many buyers choose to release equity from their existing UK property to fund their property purchase in North Cyprus, and take advantage of UK mortgage rate deals. The steady rises in UK property prices over the last ten years has enabled many to re-mortgage their UK house and release enough equity to buy their North Cyprus property outright. Also, your mortgage is secured on your UK property, not on your North Cyprus property.
According to a recent ValuePenguin research, Cyprus is one of the safest counties in the world. Cyprus is officially one of the safest countries in the world! Out of countries that generate enough data to run a study about the safest countries in the world, Cyprus proudly holds the 5th place worldwide! More amazing is the fact that Cyprus is the No 1 safest place to live and visit among countries that have population under 5 million. Cyprus and the other 4 countries that made the top have an average Switzerland, Singapore, Spain, Japan and Cyprus scored the best results out of 7 data categories CO2 emissions, life expectancy, national police personnel, traffic deaths, thefts and assaults, number per Rounding out rankings for now, the Republic of Cyprus made it this high because it bested the aforementioned four cities in two categories: It ranked 21st overall in national police personnel per , people with , and it ranked 22nd in thefts per , people with The third island country among the top five, Cyprus had essentially been divided in two since but has been progressing toward reunification.
Kindergartens Cyprus is not only a popular holiday destination but also an excellent place for students, where they can achieve high quality education in Northern Cyprus at affordable rates. In almost every city of Northern Cyprus there is a large selection of kindergartens, schools and universities, where education is conducted in foreign languages, both English and Turkish.
In most schools in North Cyprus a child can start learning without the knowledge of a foreign language and universities prior to the start of the education offer semiannual or annual courses of language learning, whether it is Turkish or English or even both. In kindergartens in North Cyprus the child will be treated with warmth and care, regardless of whether it is public or private institution.
Rates for private preschools vary depending on how much time the child spends in kindergarten; many kindergartens offer six day care where children can be left on Saturday for an additional fee. Northern Cyprus has both English and Turkish kindergartens in all the areas. Children that attand English schools still have a chance to learn Turkish as they are in the same class with local children which speak Turkish.
All Turkish kindergartens have a classes of English. Prices for kindergartens starting from TL if you have full time attandance. Pre-school education, primary education and secondary education, higher education, and informal education. Pre-School Education: Pre-school education is provided by kindergatens and creches for the children between the ages of 4 and 6.
Primary Education: Primary education is provided at two stages. First stage elementary school is designed for the age-group which lasts for five years and is free and compulsory. Second stage secondary-junior lasting for three years is intended for the age group which is again free and compulsory. K Schools Dilekkaya Ilkokulu. Secondary Education: It is designed for the age-group and has a three year programme of instruction.
Higher Education: Provided by 11 different universities. Girne American University was founded in as an independent, non-profit institution of higher education. From its establishment, the university has focused on providing access to an American-based higher education to the widest possible group of young learners.
In charting its course for the next century, GAU will continue to be guided by this special mission. To serve its objective, GAU uses a wide range of strategies. It fosters a variety of instructional approaches, encourages scholarship, engages in collaborative community services and empowers its constituents to become responsible citizens in an interdependent, pluralistic, global community. Having completed its physical infrastructure, the campus spreads over an area of around sq.
Eastern Mediterranean University 's visions are developing and growing further into one of the leading academic institutions in the eastern Mediterranean, Middle East, and North African regions. It is a modern, innovative institution providing its students a center of excellent international distinction. With all its academic and social activities, the University's prime commitment is to provide educational facilities to satisfy the needs of a modern technological society.
Thus, whilst these needs are broadly provided, CIU has developed a deliberate policy of making its courses practical and relevant. The main objective of this institution is to give students a sound education and bring them up as confident and responsible individuals with creative and inquisitive minds. Today Near East University consists of a select student population from eighteen different countries; hence its international identity. NEU with its ample educational facilities and academically highly qualified staff from 12 different countries is the only institution of higher education in Nicosia the capital city of North Cyprus rendering quality education.
METU was invited by the Turkish and Turkish Cypriot states to establish an international campus on Northern Cyprus to serve not only the Turkish students but also the international community. With its excellent facilities, exceptionally qualified faculty, and highest international standards in teaching, research and community service, METU NCC offers internationally accepted degree programs in engineering and economic and administrative sciences.
The language of instruction on the Campus is English. METU Northern Cyprus Campus admitted students to one undergraduate program in , and to six undergraduate programs in METU Northern Cyprus Campus became fully operational by September and accepted students to a total of eight undergraduate programs.
By , METU Northern Cyprus Campus will be offering a full spectrum of degree programs and will have reached an enrollment of 6, students. The Campus is designed with all the necessary provisions to accommodate physically handicapped students to achieve their full potential. Scholarships Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus Ministry of National Education and Sports awards scholarships for international students based on their academic performance.
Application Condition - Students studying or accepted to study in an undergraduate or graduate program in a university in TRNC may apply for the scholarship. Applications are accepted at the beginning of each semester; in September and in February.
Student Accommodation in North Cyprus There are many buildings on the university campuses which are allocated for accommodation most of them within walking distance of the classroom buildings and the Student Centers. Most of the dormitories designed to house one, two, three or four persons in various rooms which the rooms are normally equiped with bed, desk, chairs, bookshelves, lounge chairs, wardrobe, mini refrigerator, toilet, shower and many of them with air conditioner or central heating.
Dormitory fees normally include electricity, water, cleaning, and other similar expenses. For more information about the universities dormitories please visit their web site. Other private accommodation is also available off-campus. There are some residentials in the cities near to that specific universities. The property rent prices differ from range to range.
However, the property owners are very friendly and hospitable just like the hospitability of the local people. Cypriot cuisine has been influenced by different cultures throuhout history. However with little variations from their originals Cypriots have developed quite tasty dishes. Each dish has a peculiar taste and cooking and presentation reflects the character of the people of Cyprus.
Some dishes even vary from region to region in name, preparation and taste. Northern Cyprus is fascinating and appealing to people who eat well and enjoy eating. A great variety of vegetable dishes, grills, pastry, fish, soups, kebabs, lahmacun, pides are to name but a few. A big list of mezes, sweets, cakes, eaten either as starters or as afters can be named.
In addition to local cuisine Chinese, Italian, French and Indian foods are well represented in various restaurants. Cyprus food will start arriving on the table soon after you sit down; this means that there is a set menu and those will be the "meze" starters. Most of the appetizers grow and are made in North Cyprus. Remember that this is only the beginning of a Turkish meal.
Cypriots are great meat eaters, they use lambs and chicken in their cooking. All the meat is locally reared. There is no import licence issued for fresh meat. As they are Muslim, pork's not issued in some place, but you can find pork in all restaurants, especially in our restaurant in North Cyprus hotel. Local dishes are delicious, particularly the "meze". This is a specialty of Cyprus and consists of a large number of cold and hot hors d'oeuvres such as different salads, meats, vegetable, and fish dishes.
It is taken either as an appetiser or a main course. Octopus, due to its robust nature, is made into a stiffado stew with red wine, carrots, tomatoes, and onions. Calamari is either cut into rings and fried in batter or is stuffed whole with rice, cumin, cloves, sometimes adding mint to the stuffing, and then baked or grilled.
Cuttlefish soupies may be cooked like calamari or like octopus in red wine with onions. It is sometimes prepared with spinach, but without adding garden peas, which are a popular accompaniment for cuttlefish in Turkey, specially in west and south coast, some parts of Greece and Italy. Calamari, octopus, and cuttlefish commonly feature in meze, a spread of small dishes served as an appetizer or a meal.
If you know the food of Turkey, then you know Cyprus food, but there are one or two things that you won't find in Turkey. Probably the most famous of Cypriot culinary specialities is hellim cheese. This full-fat soft cheese is made from whole goats milk, salt, mint and is typically served with salads. Another speciality is molohiya, a green leafy vegetable, which grows only in Cyprus and on the banks of the Nile. It is usually cooked with chicken or meat and is deliciously wholesome. Another interesting vegetable unknown outside Cyprus is kolokas, a root vegetable which when cooked again with lamb or chicken has the texture of potato, but has a much sweeter taste.
In addition to the usual Turkish kebabs, there are two, which are only to be found in Cyprus. One is kup kebab. This involves wrapping lamb or goat, potatoes and herbs in foil. The wrap is then cooked for hours in a clay oven. The other is sheftali kebabs which are small, spicy, sausage-like lumps of meat that are skewered and cooked over hot charcoal. Desserts and Pastries An old Turkish saying advises one to "eat sweetly and speak sweetly".
Sweets and desserts have always been an important and distinctive element of Turkish Cipriots' cuisine. Altogether there are about basic recipes for desserts known but with the addition of local variations the number becomes enormous.
For example:. Turunc Macunu- bitter oranges in syrup. Macun is old - fashioned, nationally loved sweet of Cyprus. Because of the sweetness it served with a glass of water. Ceviz Macunu - green walnuts in syrup , one of the favorite sweets in Cyprus which one can not find it easily in shops.
Katmer - Katmer is a sort of dessert pide, wafer thin pastry dusted with sugar and cream. Hellimi - Almost same with Zeytinli, the only difference is instead of olive, Halloumi cheese is used. Hellimli Borek - Fried pastry with helloumi cheese served with honey. Lokma - These golden, light bubbles that are bathed with thick honey or syrup if preferred as they emerge from the crackling cauldron of hot oil and served immediately.
Ekmek Kadayifi - is one of the popular sweets in Cyprus which looks like a syrup-soaked sponge. Drinks Zivania Cyprus Whisky - Zivania is a very strong, domestic made alcohol often referred to as fire water. It is made from the left-over after wine making is finished.
The kazan, a cooper pot, is filled with fermented mess of grape remains and water. A fire is made and the pot is places on top. A condenser is attached to the kazan with tubes and in turn the tubes lead to bottle. The water in the condenser is continually replaced to keep cool, a bucketful out and another in.
It consists of generous helping of local brandy with bitters, lemon squash usually home made and soda. Raki is the Turkish equivalent of Pernod. Known as 'lion's milk' the aniseed sprit turns cloudy when diluted with water. It makes a good accompaniment to fish meze. Turkish Coffee - A delicacy of the ottoman upper classes - Turkish coffee - is now enjoyed by all tourists on North Cyprus holidays. The secret of Turkish Coffee is to use good coffee beans and create froth on the top.
In North Cyprus Hotels is Turkish coffee served in a small cups in four different ways - sade without sugar, az sekerli with a little sugar, orta sekerli with medium sugar and sekerli with lots of sugar. In various other countries, the TRNC has unofficial representative offices. Turkey represents the TRNC's interests in countries without such offices. As well, Northern Cyprus has a number of representations in other countries with various status. Turkey is the only country which recognises Northern Cyprus and has an embassy in North Nicosia.
Northern Cyprus has an embassy in Ankara. North Cyprus has an open door policy to visitors from almost all the countries of the world, in keeping with the wonderfully welcoming personality of the Turkish Cypriot culture and the international atmosphere of the TRNC.
Citizens from these countries can arrive at the border of North Cyprus, either from Ercan Airport via Turkey, Kyrenia Girne port by ship again via Turkey, or at the border with the South of Cyprus by car and gain an automatic 90 day visitor visa for a holiday or property viewing visit. The only exception to this general rule is that citizens of Armenia and Nigeria do need an advance visa and should consult either the TRNC Representative or the Turkish Embassy prior to departure.
This flexible approach to entry visas makes it possible for citizens of many non-Schengen countries to both visit and buy property in North Cyprus, even if they are not able to easily visit the Republic of South Cyprus. North Cyprus 90 day visas are completely free of charge. Generally you will be issued with a slip of white paper with a 90 day stamp and this can be attached to your passport with a paperclip. You need to keep this during your stay and show it as you leave. At Ercan Airport in North Cyprus the immigration officer will often stamp passports unless you actively ask for the white paper visa instead.
You would be advised to ask for the white paper insert rather than having your passport stamped if you are intending to travel regularly to the south Republic of Cyprus. Visitors can land at Larnaca Airport which has a huge range of international and low cost flights from the UK, Europe, the Middle East and many other destinations. In addition, travellers with an existing Schengen Visa for South Cyprus can land at Larnaca International Airport and then cross the border very easily to North Cyprus where they will obtain their automatic 90 day visa.
It is generally much easier to obtain an advance visa for Turkey than for the European south of Cyprus if your passport is non-Schengen and if you fall into this category, you may prefer to arrive via Turkey by either ship or by air to Ercan Airport. It is for this reason that many nationalities prefer to both take their holidays and buy property in North rather than South Cyprus.
However, if you are going to exit an airport, change airports or stay the night in Turkey on the way, you will need a visa for Turkey. Many nationalities can obtain a Turkey visa upon arrival, by paying a small fee. These visas are generally easy to obtain. Please check with your travel agent or your nearest Turkish Embassy for the exact details of your eligibility for an automatic visa upon arrival for Turkey as the rules vary for different nationalities.
You will need a work visa to work in the North of Cyprus. The right to work in North Cyprus is not automatically given to visitors. Neither the 90 day automatic visitor visa or a residency visa or property ownership entitle you to work or earn money in Northern Cyprus; however it is possible to obtain a work visa. If you are planning to get a job or set up a business in North Cyprus, you need a TRNC work visa and we suggest that you consult one of our NCI recommended lawyers, or another lawyer of your choice, for details of how to go about this.
I wish to buy a villa or apartment and relocate to North Cyprus — is it easy to apply for residency? There are nationals from all over the world living in multi-cultural TRNC and it is extremely easy to apply for Residency once you have an address in North Cyprus. If you are buying a home in the TRNC, just speak to your North Cyprus lawyer during the property purchase process about submitting your application for Residency. Please note, you do not need a Residency visa if you are only planning to spend up to 90 days at a time in your North Cyprus property.
However, if you wish to spend many periods longer than 90 days, you can apply easily for residency of the TRNC. You will need to prove once a year that you have enough money in a local TRNC bank account to support yourself and your family if relevant , and also have a simple blood test to eliminate the presence of any serious illnesses.
The ease of application for residency is another reason why many international visitors choose the north part of Cyprus for their second home, or for relocation. You will need to produce to the police the following documents:. If you have purchased a property under Contract of Sale, but have not yet received the title deeds to the property, the Contract of Sale original and photocopy. If you are living in rented accommodation the Tenancy Agreement original and photocopy.
This letter is called Ikametgah Belgesi in Turkish. You can usually find your Muhtar in the centre of the village where you live near to the local municipality belediye building or the post office. The police will then refer you to the Lefkosa State Hospital, or now there are certain clinics which are licensed to carry out this work, for a health test. After you have had the health test, you will collect the results and take them unopened to the immigration office in Lefkosa for the residency permit to be stamped in your passport.
It is important to note that the residency permit only entitles you to live in the TRNC. It does not entitle you to work or to set up a business in the TRNC. To do these things you will need either a work permit or a permit to set up a business.
The residency permit is valid for a period of 1 year. It must be renewed every year by following the same procedure except for the hospital check. Children under the age of 18 years do not require residency permits. This is only applicable to adults. Therefore, families moving to the TRNC only need to apply for residency for the adult members of the family.
Becoming a citizen of the TRNC is more complex. Citizenship is granted to all persons whose mother or father is a Turkish Cypriot or to those married to a Turkish Cypriot. Work Permit Work permits are initially for either six months or one year. Once a year has been completed, then 2 year permits are available. Work permits are issued for working at a specific company and location.
Only one permit is allowed. The form they issue requires a post office stamp approx. If a foreigner has a kocan in their name, no bond is required, otherwise a bond of Euros is required. This is usually arranged by the company. It does not have to be in a special account, but merely one in Euros.
It can earn interest for the company. The company can negotiate how much the bank charges, but it can be up to TL. If an employee leaves their employment within a year, the money still remains blocked until the year has finished. They will supply the employee with a form for obtaining a blood test and x-ray. The hospital will issue a pink booklet, which they must stamp; it also confirms that the employee is entitled to free medical care.
The health check costs TL. Both will be returned, along with a work permit stamped into the passport. It is not possible to have both a work permit and temporary resident status. If you have already been issued with one or the other, the one not required must be cancelled. Temporary residency payments are not refundable, if a work permit is subsequently applied for. If someone has been a resident for a number of years, then obtains a work permit, the years they had previously built up become void.
The Government is currently reconsidering this situation. Other points to bear in mind:. There are a limited number of days allowed to obtain this and our advice is to action this within 14 days. The cost of a residency permit as of 1st February is TL. No Sigorta payments are needed, instead private medical insurance is compulsory. Some banks offer this as part of a discounted package along with the Euro bond. Furthermoreboth the employee and the employer face a fine of 5 x the legal minimum wage.
Currently 6,TL each. It does not have to be a special account, but merely a deposit account in TL. This letter will be charged for, but the amount is negotiable. Initially the business permit is for 1 year. Before business permits can be renewed, confirmation from the tax authorities is required, that the following have been paid: company tax, personal tax, employee tax and accounts have been filed.
It is advisable to use an accountant who is close to the tax authorities. Rates as at 1st February are as follows:. An accountant is required and will give specific advice. However, it must be remembered that the company only trades overseas, with no transactions involving the TRNC, beyond the statutory requirements of:. The private healthcare sector in North Cyprus is one which you should feel comfortable about if you are considering relocating to live here.
Should you ever need treatment for any number of ailments or illnesses, or require emergency treatment such as surgery, then there are excellent and well equipped facilities to deal with pretty much every eventuality. Expatriates who reside in North Cyprus can of course take out their own health insurance, and this may be advisable. Health insurance is available through many of the insurance companies and agents operating in North Cyprus which can offer a range of policies to suit your requirements, usually through the larger health insurance companies in Turkey.
It is also possible to obtain health insurance direct via large international companies such as BUPA for example. Prices for treatments at private clinics in North Cyprus are still affordable for most, and are certainly cheaper than those in the UK and the majority of Europe.
However, the NHS in the UK for example is still an option for the first 12 months after you move to TRNC, and for those who keep a residential address in Britain, but waiting times may be prohibitive, and therefore treatment in North Cyprus perhaps becomes a more sensible option. The island is also gaining a good reputation abroad for such specialist areas as fertility treatment, eye laser surgery and cosmetic surgery as well as dentistry.
Sometimes facilities at private hospitals and clinics are also used by private practioners. For example, you may find yourself visiting an independent eye clinic, and if further treatment is required — for instance laser surgery — you may attend one of the private hospitals which your eye doctor rents for his surgery requirements. This saves him the cost of importing all the necessary equipment which the private hospital may already have, and all he needs to do is pay them a fee for its usage.
Some private hospitals are able to offer expatriates a membership system, whereby you have the option of choosing from certain levels of yearly membership, which then entitles patients to a reduced rate on treatments and surgeries. Affordable even if you are fortunate enough not to require medical treatment throughout the whole year!
Of great benefit, most offer a 24 hour emergency service for members, and have a private ambulance to transfer patients should it be required at any time of day or night. You should also be impressed with the facilities and modern technology used in North Cyprus, as despite the embargoes placed upon it, it seems to do very well in obtaining state of the art equipment and all the mod cons for healthcare!
Private hospitals and clinics all have very comfortable rooms, most having shower rooms, TV and even mini bars non-alcoholic of course! Rooms are also kept extremely well cleaned by a seemingly endless stream of hospital operatives. All of the hospitals and clinics we have come across are able to deal with a long list of medical areas and ailments, in fact too many to mention all of them here!
However, you will find most that deal with surgical situations have radiology departments, intensive care units and outpatient clinics, but can also deal with other areas such as dermatology, dietary and physiotherapy for example. All in all it is very comforting to know and considering that most of the surgeons and doctors within private practices have trained in Turkey and Europe you should be totally at ease with the quality and standards of care in North Cyprus.
There are lots of other healthcare options available too, with alternative medicine starting to make inroads on the island, and the ease with which you can buy prescription medication over the counter at pharmacies, making the choices for healthcare more appealing and certainly less concerning for people looking at relocating to North Cyprus.
North Cyprus operates a fairly modern state run healthcare system. The service and care the hospitals offer is at times a welcome break from the slow and sometimes mediocre healthcare systems in the rest of Europe, and the hospitals on the island are more than capable of dealing with any number of illnesses and emergency situations. If you require emergency treatment in North Cyprus then you will never be refused at a state hospital, often with no cost to yourself.
However, this is not an ideal situation for an already under funded healthcare system, but nevertheless this is the way the system works at present. If you do require a hospital stay however, then you will be charged by the hospital and rates are calculated on a daily basis.
Nowadays a private company is sub-contracted to perform all non-medical tasks such as cleaning, washing of hospital bedding and also security. If you are working in North Cyprus and have a valid work permit, you will be paying into the state system by way of social security and pension contributions, thus entitling you to free healthcare by the state.
You will be provided with a medical card, requiring re-certifying every 6 months at your local social security office, and this will entitle you to completely free medical care at all state run hospitals. It is also worth noting that a medical card can be used at high street pharmacies to obtain lower prices for certain prescription medicines. State hospitals also provide services such as blood donation, although the system of supplying and obtaining blood is a sometimes stressful situation.
If blood is required for a scheduled operation or for long term treatment then you are required to return the blood via donations from yourself and perhaps your friends and family to balance the amount you took.
It is therefore very obvious that hospitals require a constant source of donated blood and rely heavily on donations. All in all the state run hospital system is adequate, pretty modern, but at the same time it needs further investment to be able to cope with the natural increase in population.
Some would still say that it is more than equivalent to current European standards, and from our own experiences we would tend to agree. Useful contact numbers Ambulance — Buses and minibuses in Northern Cyprus cover the routes between all major towns and larger villages, but they do not go to many of the main tourist attractions. That is why a car rental is recommended. They are a varied mix of old and newer privately owned vehicles.
Each bus route is leased privately from the North Cyprus government. Being of different sizes they are most commonly white mini buses or bigger colourful old fashioned ones. The destination is usually shown in the front windscreen. Locally they are known as kombos from Turkish dolmus. It originally signifies the bus when fully loaded by commuters. Either stand at a bus stop or you can simply flag the vehicle down anywhere along the main road.
The buses in TRNC do not follow fixed schedule. However, bus departures are frequent every minutes between large and smaller towns during the weekdays and weekends. After 7 pm the service is not that frequent. The prices generally vary between 3 TL and 6 TL.
There is mostly interurban and rural type of bus service in Northern Cyprus. The interurban buses link major towns, the rural buses connect smaller villages to their nearest towns. Although there are public buses in North Nicosia, they tend to mainly service the suburbs outside the Old City.
Buses leave from near Kyrenia Gate. In Kyrenia there exists the collective way of transport that is carried out on the main road. For reaching the areas around Kyrenia, however, car hire or taking a taxi is a better bet. Nicosia every 15 min; 30 min journey when there is no traffic. Taxis dont always sport meters, so agree on the fare with the driver beforehand. As a rough guide, expect to pay around 20TL for a ride around any of the towns.
Although euros are not in general use in the North, most people will accept them if you have no other currency; Turkish taxis at crossing points will always quote their prices in British pounds. Car rental services are widely available in the main towns, and petrol is cheap. A current driving licence [with your passport] is all that is needed. Traffic drives on the left, as in Britain. The speed limit in urban areas is 30 mph.
Traffic in North Cyprus circulates on the left, as in Britain, and the traffic signs are international, with good dual carriageways connections between major towns. Buying a car here is actually really quite easy, and there are heaps of car dealerships for both brand new and second hand vehicles. We will offer some tips and advice on how to get the best deal, what to expect within the cost of buying a car, and what you need to do to keep it legally on the road!
It has hundreds of cars, mostly advertised by the dealerships themselves, as well as some private sales too. If you are not sure, then again the magazine will give you a good idea of what you can expect to pay. Other things to think about are the running costs of a vehicle too. Road tax here is based on the weight of the car, which is aimed at trying to reduce the amount of juggernaut Hummers and other big off-road vehicles that have become a popular purchase in the last few years!
Insurance is available either as a standard third party policy, which will only cover costs to a certain limit should you have an accident, or there is also fully comprehensive which is calculated based on car type and purchase price.
MOTs are only required after a car has been registered for around 4 years no matter how old it is! This is the same for emissions tests as well which are only required at the time of an MOT. Again, because of the status of North Cyprus, the embargoes against it and the fact that it is an island of course, the import costs of bringing cars onto the island are high, so this is then passed on to the consumer unfortunately.
As an example for you to keep in mind, think of a small car such as the popular Suzuki Swift there are hundreds of them here! When you are looking around make sure you visit a few dealerships. After you reach the main roundabout after coming down the mountain from Kyrenia you will see the roads to the right and left are packed with dealerships. As you approach the roundabout there is the big Opel dealership, and all along the road to the left you will find dealerships for Mercedes, Fiat, Renault and Toyota for example, all mingled together with second hand dealers as well.
All the costs of running these types of cars are much cheaper due to the availability of spare parts and low tax costs. The majority of second hand dealerships seem to mainly offer cars from the Japanese market. This could be because they have plenty of nearly new car auctions there and their cars are easy to purchase over the Internet and get shipped here — plus the steering wheels in Japanese imports are on the correct side for Cyprus, ie.
When you have finally chosen a car that you like and it suits your needs perfectly, then you can haggle with the dealer a little bit, but you would be surprised how little flexibility in price there is! From our own experiences here at Essential Cyprus there is not much you can get thrown in for free to add some incentive to get you to buy a car!
Some dealerships will do you a deal for your old car should you own one already, and in particular if you have brought from them previously and are taking your first purchase back to them to change it for a new one — they may give you a few hundred pounds more than if you were a new customer for example. All that you need do now is remember to have all the requirements in place to run it legally here in North Cyprus, with the obvious insurance documentation, service schedule and emissions tests, MOT and Road Tax.
We shall save all that for other articles in the future though! In the meantime, if you need to know more about obtaining a TRNC driving license please click the link provided. North Cyprus can be reached by air and by sea. You may choose the most convenient way for you. As mentioned above, all the aircrafts flying to Turkish Republic of North Cyprus are to touch down in Turkey.
It will take you approximately an hour to get from Turkey to North Cyprus. If you travel by sea, the voyage to Northern Cyprus may take you from 2. Sea-busses are faster and travel between the island and Turkey almost every day. Northern Cyprus Ferry boats can take more passengers and cargo, but go slower. A trip by a ferry boat can take up to hours.
Drivers from the United Kingdom will feel especially comfortable in North Cyprus because traffic here also travels on the left side of the road. And like most many countries throughout the world, a seatbelt law is enforced and children under the age of five are not permitted to ride in the front seat of a car.
Drunk driving laws are also very strict here and are stringently enforced. Speed limits are often posted in both kilometers per hour or miles per hour. On the highway the speed limit is usually kph 60 mph , with a minimum speed of 65 kph 40 mph that may be also enforced. On smaller back roads the speed limit is generally 60 kph 37 mph. Throughout North Cyprus highways are rated according to their quality. These roads should probably be avoided if possible while driving a North Cyprus car hire.
The various road grades are usually indicated both on road maps as well as on highway signs. North Cyprus offers visitors an abundance of places to eat; from the simplest of tavernas to international style restaurants, the choice is stunning.
But all share the traditional Cypriot values of fresh ingredients, friendly staff and good value. No holiday to Northern Cyprus would be complete without at least one meal in Kyrenia Harbour but don't neglect some of the smaller restaurants to be found in the villages or the back streets of Kyrenia and along the coast.
An evening meal in Bellapais Village, under the floodlit majesty of Bellapais Abbey. Efendi Restaurant. We have developed a menu using only the best local and imported ingredients, so we can provide an imaginative and exceptional taste sensation.
Enjoy your meal in a beautiful setting with unequaled service. Silver Rocks. Description: SilverRocks Restaurant has an attractive at most here and offers high quality service. The menu has a wide voriety of food ranging from starters, salads, pasta dishes, red meat and sea food dishes.
The place is situated at the sea side that give SilverRocks a natural beauty. There is an other attraction of the Restaurant that a sea water swimming pool so you can enjoy your time at the beautiful spot with the special snack menu for the day time. Reservations for special occasions, dinner parties, birthdays and engagement parties Try the special snack lunch.
Suitable for an enjoyable meal during the summer months. An experienced taste for nouelty and variety Description: Bella Moon is situated in the heart of Kyrenia. The restaurant has a good reputation and caters for every taste. This is a great area to dine out and with local restaurants being rated amongst the best in the region see The Rough Guide why not try The Bella Moon Restaurant. Relaxed atmosphere with professional friendly service, great food.
Special place to be. Its like walking into another universe - fantastic scenery around a beautifully illuminated pool. Not to mention the calm atmosphere and the service minded staff. This is truly a unique hidden gem inside the Turkish Quarter. Not to mention the food, very nice both the starters as well as the main course - a huge experience from A to Z.
The Ambiance. Description: The Ambiance has the perfect setting with a lovely atmosphere. The well-trained staff are able to provide the excellent service and superb food you would expect from a 5 star venue, but at a very reasonable price! Open for swimming, Sunbathing, Lunch, Dinner and Bar.
Description: We definitely cannot describe ourselves as a fine dining restaurant but we guarantee a welcoming and friendly service with fresh cooking and a relaxed atmosphere. Have a great meal in a lovely warm and cosy atmosphere!!
A good variation of dishes from both the lunch and main menu,. A good selection of wines and spirits and I was over the moon to find my favored tipple prosecco available!! The Kyrenia Tavern. Description: If you like it authentic and rustic this is the spot for you. Serving simple and tasty Cypriot favourites: meze, moussaka and kleftiko clay-pot cooked lamb , usually prepared daily. The evening begins with the family welcoming you and the food is traditional and amazing as always.
Local cuisine cooked with a passion in their home It is also fresh, diverse and food comes to you as soon as it is cooked. The chef literally comes to your table and slides it straight off the pan onto your plate. Atmosphere: homely, intimate we were in a room with only four tables with classical music in the background. Cost: it is basically a set menu and it cost us about euros for each person.
Grida Balik Fish Restaurant. Description: Grida fish restaurant; sea food with a varied menu, you must firstis a family business offering healthy and tasty products. Menu is great, it's super clean, lovely ambience, and for the best part I should mention beautiful character of lovely couple as owner and chef. Their hospitality is not forgettable! And since it's Cyprus, you should ask them if you don't want to get your fish over well done :D.
Ikimiz Restaurant. The garden alone consists of 9 tables of various sizes and styles, each with their own serene and romantic surroundings. Inside however has a cosy feel decorated again with handmade paintings and art work.
Every Friday night the clay oven is brought alive with the traditional Turkish Kleftiko kebab. This is meat and potatoes slow cooked in a handmade clay oven. Address: Meseli Sokak No. Jashan's Indian Restaurant North Cyprus. Description: It is really special so that the whole family can enjoy eating out together.
One specialises in European cuisine, one in Curries and One in Tandoori. They have a wide range of Turkish, French and Italian wines to accompany your meal. They also do the children's favourites chips and beans with everything to help create your perfect evening. Niazi's Restaurant. Description:This wonderful restaurant is a must for holiday makers, the bright and traditional yet modern restaurant offers its diners a wonderful atmosphere and excellent food.
In the summer months you have a choice to dine on the decked patio area in front of the restaurant or within the indoor restaurant with very welcoming air conditioning. There is a very large excellent choice of dishes available from beautiful salads, fresh chicken dishes, tender steaks to the full kebab. The trade mark of Niazis is the open fire grill based in the middle of the restaurant where the meze and full kebabs are cooked, which can be interesting to watch.
|Reputable online sports betting||Nilam Yakin Sdn Bhd Forestry service. In this context, I had the chance to have a frst taste of lokmaci nicosia betting divisions and extrapolate the discussion to an understanding of contemporary cities worldwide. In this framework, a fourfold understanding of social space is introduced, composed by personal space, collective space, civil space and state. Wikimedia Commons has media related to Ledra Street. Nilamalakottai Village. Nilambari Chs Block of flats. You can go to St.|
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|Lokmaci nicosia betting||A deal was brokered between the Sultan and Benjamin Disraeli which permitted control of Cyprus by the British Government which in turn would continue to pay taxes to the Sultan. It is also possible to obtain health insurance lokmaci nicosia betting via large international companies such as BUPA for example. Embargo and Turkey's role Because of its international status and the embargo on its ports, the TRNC is heavily dependent on Turkish military and economic support. Nilambazar College Education. However, bus departures are frequent every minutes between large and smaller towns during the weekdays and weekends. At the same time, divided cities are examples in which physical space is too strict to easily let other moments of space equally infuence its dominance.|
The other times I crossed over i did not go anywhere near where i visited the first time. May I say that it is not the Turkish part of Nicosia either it is the currently Turkish speaking occupied part of Nicosia. What was evident from the free area is the Turkish flags and the Turkish soldiers and that i find intimidating and constant reminder that a Turkish force is occupying Cyprus, not that there is another part of Cypriot population living on the other side of the wall but rather a threatening force awaiting to shoot anyone who dares cross that gate.
Now you can accept my account or dismiss it but that is my experience both from the free side and The occupied side. WHen the bridge was up they patrolled under it Now they just patrol. If their good will gesture is so sincere, why keep Varosha closed!
That said I choose to employ and commend on Foucault and his conception of power, discipline and control for in his book Discipline and Punish. In this sense, whatever is visible and can be perceived as the surrounding reality is produced by power. In this framework, visibility is a key word that needs to be re- conceptualised. From this perspective, visibility becomes a quest and a tactical tool towards the establishment of the socio-spatial totality.
However, to turn the Wall into a Door you need a Keyhole. But who holds the Key? However, I argue that there is a need to dig a bit further towards the defnition of the actual socio-spatial contestations, especially with respect to divided cities. I start with a clear statement: in a space of confict, common space is in contest; power seeks to enclose in the way de Angelis 55 sees it it, while resisting dynamics attempt to reclaim it.
In order to justify the above argument, I need to elaborate on common space and its various contestations. According to him, the popular dichotomy between public and private space gets further analysed —if not rejected- suggesting two interrelated reference points in order to understand primary and secondary distinctions and analyse social space: human communication within social sphere and dialectics of power with respect to state power.
With respect to social sphere, social space is the interrelation of personal and public space collective space, civil space and state , while in terms of state power social space is the composition of private personal and collective and political civil space and state space. In this framework, a fourfold understanding of social space is introduced, composed by personal space, collective space, civil space and state. Moreover, common space being both collective and civil emerges as the terrain, where these two dynamics meet, compete and claim hegemony.
After a while he makes some reserved steps to the right and stops; he has hit against an invisible wall. He touches it; he tries to fnd the exit. No luck. After a while he steps on the left. No exit. He steps forth and back. Invisible, solid walls everywhere. He tries to exit again and again but his steps get more and more limited.
Every wall has come closer; the cell has become tighter. However, this openness has cost much enclosure. Although other control methods would easily replace them, material walls are used in order to resolve confict and reduce violence. One obvious point is that walls are the cheapest way to control violent confrontations quickly and temporarily. However, I would go beyond that argument insisting that walls are products of unsolvable confict, while producing landscapes of confict.
They are parts of a vicious circle that constantly rearranges what is visible and invisible, while territorialising confict. In order to create a certain new reality, urban divisions and landscapes of confict employ elements in order to create a new urban text. Kliot and Mansfeld have thoroughly elaborated on the political landscape of partition with respect to the case of Cyprus.
In a nutshell, according to them, there are fve elements that compose the political landscape: i boundaries and frontiers, i. However, focusing especially on the symbolic space of landmarks and symbols, the symbolic space can be seen as a composition of places of continuity and transformation with respect to place-names, the cultural landscape religious places, monuments etc and the mnemonic policies followed in the post-confict period de Certeau, ; Kliot and Mansfeld, ; Papadakis, In the case of Cyprus two different policies emerge referring to the two different offcial narratives and the two different offcial expectations regarding the Cyprus problem.
In the symbolic space this idea is refected on the freshly painted road signs pointing to occupied Kyrenia and Famagusta, on the preserved street and place-names in the Turkish language and on the well maintained mosques. In this sense, place-names, streets, villages and cities are all renamed not necessarily preserving their former Turkish Cypriot names but instead getting new, post- war ones. Additionally, greek-orthodox churches turned into mosques or museums and hotels or simply ruined.
However, if these elements are employed by power dialectics in order to construct the social space of confict, it is rather interesting to explore the impacts. Is it possible to reunite the city by demolishing the physical border? And is a physical border enough to divide a city? In the particular case of Nicosia, the border was sealed until , when the frst barricades opened and the borderline became a penetrable one.
In other words, I am interested in exploring how actors, who live, act, work and hang out in the old city of Nicosia keep their own town in mind. This socio-spatial knowledge they possess is informative about the interrelation of trauma, memory, experience, stereotypes and the current production of space.
Put simply, I suggest that mental representations of space are informative about the variety of divisions and interactions with respect to both space and social relations. How are socio-spatial perceptional systems constructed? How do we perceive the world through images and stereotypes? Back to the role of stereotypes in the construction of perceptional systems, Walter Lippmann introduces the term and concept of stereotypes in his work on the Public Opinion back in We imagine most things before we experience them.
And those preconceptions, unless education has made us acutely aware, govern deeply the whole process of perception. In other words, there are socio-spatial images with reference to an existing frst-hand experience, while there is others that function more like stereotypes of a certain place. When using the term fear, I refer to the socially constructed feeling of fear, excluding metaphysical and existential aspects.
I am interested in those aspects that refer to fear as both a product and a producer of certain social behaviours focusing on people's perceptional systems and particularly in socio-spatial terms. It is about this kind of fear that becomes a useful tool for surveillance, obedience and social control.
Moreover, linking it to a Marxist conception of professions' productivity and especially referring to crime, I would argue that fear is the pivot for a whole trade. It is in the core of mass social control, while introducing discourses and methods towards a stable superiority of state and capital power.
However, I add the factor of social space in the debate in order to discuss about the ways that fear is being produced and employed with reference to certain areas. Sorin Matei et al. Regarding these components, they introduce fve features in order to explore the production and infuence of fear in urban areas: physical, psychological, sociocultural, economic and technological features of social space In their long-term research work, Matei et al.
In this framework, they have focused on the communicative aspects of stereotyping, exploring the degree, to which people are perceived as threatening and dangerous linked to certain neighbourhoods of post-confict regions and urban areas of unrest. The fndings of their research suggest that there is a colour-coded stereotyping process of urban areas, where fear does not match the highest levels of crime. In other words, people perceive neighbourhoods as the most dangerous ones due to color- coded ethnic stereotypes rather than objective crime rates.
In their conception I recognise a signifcant claim that the dialectics of space and the dialectics of 56 Physical features refer to the area's layout including streets, built environment, and public places that bring people together, such as parks, stores or cinemas. Psychological features refer to the levels of comfort or avoidance or else to the extent of people's communication and interaction. Sociocultural features refect the degree and the qualitative characteristics of the development of social relations among different ethnicities, cultures, classes and other sociocultural references.
Economic features refer to economic resources available in order to engage in everyday conversation and fnally technological features refer to the access to communication technologies and digital social networks. I underline the thought of Homi K. Bhabha , who thoroughly elaborates on the construction and function of stereotypes within colonial discourse in his essay The other question. He critically analyses other approaches, while introducing a reading of stereotypes as a process of subjectifcation in discursive terms and as a key-factor of discrimination, prejudice, surveillance and oppression in the hands of power.
The ruling class and the global capital construct dominant discourses and a certain normativity that produces stereotyped images of the self and the other, through which the rulers exercise power. Bhabha offers an understanding of the representations of the other in colonial discourse, while going beyond that towards a reconsideration of the West. This process does not only refer to people but it also refers to spatial stereotyping.
It is behind each and every spatial image that individuals possess regarding an area and its characteristics. The function of stereotypes is held to be a way to reduce complexity of information and create categorisations of individuals, places, experiences, attitudes or feelings, yet underestimating their role as a factor of prejudice and racism, which both preserve social injustice and inequality.
However, in the social space of confict stereotypes replace invisibilities and create distorted totalities that remain as mental walls even when every physical boundary is demolished. Is this the actual wall in the case of Nicosia? At this point, I clarify my conceptual framework in a nutshell and I choose the methodological tools in order to design the feldwork and collect, evaluate and manage my feldwork data.
The following sections constitute the continuous link between theory and feldwork, since they translate the conceptual framework into concrete methodological tools, while receiving feedback from the research process. The viewpoint from which I approach the current study lies in the core of the research process becoming my frst methodological tool: I choose a spatial approach. In order to understand that, it has to be frstly clear h o w space is approached and subsequently why a spatial approach has something to offer to this study.
I argue that space resembles a projection wall; it receives, represents and reproduces. However, what does this projection wall receive, represent and reproduce? From this perspective, space is perceived, in terms of a concrete materiality; conceived, referring to imagination, mental constructions and representations and fnally lived, in terms of socio-spatial experience Lefebvre,  The reception, representation and reproduction of social relations within a spatial grounding, is furthermore understood as an ongoing process, an unfnished project throughout time Shields, ; Soja, The above are indicative of how space is approached, offering, moreover, a taste of why space could also function itself as an approach to certain applications.
Which is this broader whole? Social space is this exact totality of interweaving moments, continuously under construction as an unfnished process of totalisation Jameson, Why is a spatial approach important and helpful in examining a social space of confict with respect to a divided city such as Nicosia? Before replying to this crucial question, I frstly respond to its inverse, arguing that spaces of confict are fruitful case studies in order to approach and understand the production of social space.
In this sense, spatial knowledge has something to gain from the divided cities, while the latter have much to gain from spatial approaches. I argue that the divided cities intensively manifest a lack of visibility in all socio-spatial moments. Finally, the lack of visibility and the produced space of discipline, examination and surveillance Foucault,  manifests pre-existing as well as potential dynamics of freedom, breaking through, reclaiming and the construction of new visibilities Arendt,  Which dynamics compete within the social space of confict?
State power is both private personal and collective and political civil space and state , while the social sphere is both personal and public collective space, civil space and state , introducing a fourfold understanding of space composed by personal space, collective space, civil space and state Kotsakis, Within this framework, common space collective and civil emerges as the terrain, where these two dynamics meet, compete and claim hegemony. This summary presents in a nutshell the suggested theoretical scheme, while introducing a conceptual approach regarding the social space of confict and particularly the divided city of Nicosia, while already providing a taste of what and how is going to be examined.
In other words, this common space is my feld of research; it is the space where I explore and extract research fndings following a certain research design. Before elaborating more on that, let us frstly gather the above within the diagram below: Fig. Put simply, common space contributes to an understanding of how actors transform themselves into individual and social bodies carrying the central contradiction within all moments of socio-spatial life.
In this way, I hope to further understand why divided cities are a cry for visibility, while confrming the idea that a physical division does not only exist in material space but it rather expands to representations and experience. Why is such an approach necessary and suitable for the case of Cyprus and divided Nicosia? I argue that there are roughly two main approaches regarding the Cypriot landscape of confict.
Therefore, I suggest a space were these scales, viewpoints and dialectics meet and confront, while being grounded on a terrain that can provide their image. From this perspective, I propose a reading of the common space being a crossroads of different socio-spatial qualities, while refecting scales, dynamics, potentials and contestations.
In other words, I frstly explore how the actors store, code, organise and represent the social space of confict through primary and secondary experience, or simply through frst- hand personal stories and stereotyped narratives. By the time these mental maps exit the mind, in order to function as a way to communicate and share perceptions, map-like products are born.
At the point where those two notions meet, I hope to provide multiple images of the divided city of Nicosia and the produced social space of confict, bridging the environment with the pseudo-environment through post-traumatic narratives, spatial practices, secondary experiences and the mapped relation of emotional involvement with spatial information. However, I focus on parts of the larger debate that have affected my decisions regarding the methodological tools employed Allen and Hatchett, ; Bell, ; Collison and Kennedy, ; Kitchin, ; Lynch, ; Matei, Ball-Rokeach and Qiu, ; McNamara, ; Newcombe, ; Thill and Sui, ; Tversky, ; et al.
The main methodological tools include distance estimations, map drawing, descriptions of location, orientation and navigation, each being signifcantly informative in different ways about the actors' spatial perceptions and therefore providing key-elements to elaborate on the personal and social imaginary.
Thus, the actual task of asking participants to draw a map is almost always connected t o some certain elements that these maps will fnally represent. For instance Killworth and Bernard asked participants to draw maps of their social networks fnding out at the end that people link their networks to space and geography. I mainly highlight that because it constitutes one of the basic starting points of my employed methodology suggesting that there have to be variables linked to the task and certain prisms in the analysis process.
However, reservations regarding the validity of map drawing tasks are not out of the blue. To the above, I would moreover add the parameter of originality in terms of where spatial information derives from. How can we check and fnd out whether narrative or mapped representations derive from external spatial knowledge or represent original experience, if this is the case? Timothy P. Such a method is informative about how knowledge is stored, coded and organised in memory, while minimising performance demands.
For instance, priming would suggest that participants are asked to learn a map, or a group of objects or a group of meanings. Moreover, it can also refer to processes where participants are provided with a clue in order to respond to certain tasks instead of a blank piece of paper. This map cognition tool is on one hand informative about how mental functions facilitate the acquisition and integration of spatial knowledge Freundschuh, , yet overlooking one basic argument that I fully support in the current case: space is not the aim; it is the means.
From this perspective, I insist in a pencil- paper method combined with certain variables that additionally compose the analysis framework. This means that space and its perceptions are actually the means in order to elaborate on multiple confict referring both to separations and contacts representations. I stick to the idea that I need two parameters in order to respond to these questions. I choose to adopt the fve key-elements introduced by Kevin Lynch , while translating them in order to suit the study and my approach towards social space of confict.
In his analysis, however, Lynch fails to grasp the interrelations of space with power relations, political agency or historical process Jameson, Therefore there is a need to rephrase his notion through the conceptual framework of social space as already proposed.
In this context, I come up with the diagram below: 1. The authors conclude that this still existing mental wall is a sign for the failure, at least in some respect, of the German re- unifcation Carbon, Extrapolating the above argument as well as the general idea that emotional involvement somehow infuences spatial information especially in spaces of confict, I attempt to examine this relation in the case of Nicosia.
In this framework, examining the range of spatial information constitutes an investigation of interaction between the two sides. On one hand, emotional involvement is extracted from the interviewing process and on the other, spatial information is checked within the mapping process. In this aspect apart form the free, unstructured narrative part, specifc questions are also included referring to: 1.
Their personal relations with the other side, also including particular questions regarding: 2. Their relation with the old city of Nicosia with reference to: 4. They refer to their frst-hand or constructed past, the ways they perceive or experience their present and fnally the visions they possess regarding the future. I draw a lot upon Sitas et al. This part includes participants, who participate in grassroots activism with reference to collective space as well as participants who refer to the civil space of NGOs and bi-communal cooperation platforms.
I conduct long interviews and discussions with key-organisers, activists, locals, and shop- owners, while examining aspects of the public discourse presented by the mass media as well as by social media and networks. Moreover, Internet, social networks and social media are also involved.
I have joined several digital platforms of political initiatives and inter-communal communication. This group is subdivided into smaller units for Greek Cypriots, Turkish Cypriots and others involved who have been interviewed individually or in small groups. The included informants of this category are the locals, the inhabitants and shop-owners who live and work in the old city near and across the Green Line as well as the local authorities of the police. In other words the neighbours represent the reception and the ways in which grassroots activism has communicated its goals and actions.
From the extended variety of sources in the Internet I select some of the most reliable and mostly visited that represent the opinions of both the supporters of the OBZ and the opponents. In other words, I let actors who are actively involved in the broader civil society elaborate on how they perceive the common space of demand.
This might be a problem for my thesis, too, since I intentionally focus on the two main communities. As long as I am not exactly conducting a pure ethnographical or anthropological research, I decided to focus on and employ the two communities as the central actors who re- produce the social space of confict within a physical, mental and social common space. The quantitative data derived from the latest censuses, both in the north and the south, as well as the qualitative socio- spatial characteristics underline the need to include this signifcant third actor within the research framework.
Construction of an analytical plan of the city that includes all building lines in detail. Quantitative data derived from the latest censuses on both sides including population with reference to smaller census sections, i. With respect to the northern part I draw upon Hatay and Bryant , who have published the corresponding data.
With respect to the southern part I draw upon the published data of the census. Personal observation and site recording. I mark on the detailed map the residences and shops owned or rented by migrants as well as their presence in public space. My recording is based on shop labels, names written on entry- phones and information offered by the locals.
Comparing site recording to quantitative data. As long as I have certain percentages of migrant population from the censuses, I can crosscheck if my site recording corresponds with the data. Restrictions: In the northern part it was often diffcult to distinguish migrants from Turkish Cypriots. Therefore, I have mapped neighbourhoods and shops about which I had suffcient information derived from interaction with local people.
From a small Hungarian unit in the Alps a young lieutenant Sent out a scouting party into the icy wastes. At once It began to snow, it snowed for two days and the party Did not return. The lieutenant was in distress: he had sent His men to their deaths. On the third day, however, the scouting party was back. Where had they been? How had they managed to fnd their way?
Yes, the man explained, we certainly thought we were Lost and awaited our end. When suddenly one of our lot Found a map in his pocket. We felt reassured. We made a bivouac, waited for the snow to stop, and then with the map Found the right direction. And here we are. The lieutenant asked to see that remarkable map in order to Study it.
It wasn't a map of the Alps But the Pyrenees. I choose fve elements drawn upon the study of Kevin Lynch that compose the image of the city, which I translate into the conceptual vocabulary of my research work. The aim is to provide an alternative city map beyond the visible, physical mosaic that manifests multiple divisions, mobile borders, emotional barriers, expectations, ruptures and seams.
However, as already analysed, the certain reference points in order to approach the above-mentioned distinction within social space, beyond emotions, memories and experience, are the state power and the social sphere. According to the report, Greek Cypriots claim ownership over 46, properties in the north, while Turkish Cypriots claim to have ownership over 16, properties in the south left behind in Apparently, the Turkish Cypriot and the Greek Cypriot 60 the property issue had been of great importance in the Annan plan but it has also played a signifcant role in individual court cases.
In exchange, Turkish Cypriots ceded any claim to their properties in the south. On the other side, Greek Cypriot authorities make a different management of the Turkish Cypriot properties. While Turkish Cypriots, who still live in the TRNC are not allowed to claim their properties, there are cases of others who live abroad or in the Republic of Cyprus controlled area for a suffcient time period, who have won such cases or have been compensated.
The bottom-line, however, for both sides is that legalism seems to fll in the gap of a broader political solution for reconciliation Trimikliniotis, Additionally, it refects two different post-war offcial narratives regarding the Cyprus Problem.
On one hand, Greek Cypriot authorities follow the offcial narrative of reunifcation and on the other hand the Turkish Cypriot authorities follow the offcial narrative of partition with respect to two distinct zones, communities or states. However, these offcial narratives are never crystal clear at the end of the day, since fnancial interests or legal aspects have led to a much more complicated situation. Nevertheless, the refection of those parameters on the attitude every day people posses towards their former homes, is usually clearer.
In this context, I mostly focus on respondents who had been forced to abandon their homes either during the inter-communal conficts Turkish Cypriots or after the war both. A year-old Greek Cypriot in Nicosia refers to the experience he had had when he frst travelled to the other side. My parents are both refugees from two villages of Famagusta.
You can see their homes from the street but you cannot go there and I had some negative feelings about what had happened in Cyprus. But slowly this has changed, I think. I do not see it that hostile any more; I see it as something that has happened to our lives, something that has happened and we learn to live with it. According to the Report of the Secretary-General on the United Nations Operation in Cyprus , in the frst week after the opening of the Ledra and Pergamos crossing-points around , Greek Cypriots and around 34, Turkish Cypriots crossed to the other side.
The motivation to visit their abandoned homes was extremely common among Cypriots. However, these crossings are not necessary linked to high levels of encounters and interaction Some would note that they only went to the other side once in order to see their former homes and have never visited the other side again since then.
Some others have attempted to enter the houses and meet the new inhabitants. And I did not like the experience. She visited her old house, now inhabited by Greeks he actually means Greek Cypriots. They welcomed her; they offered Turkish coffee and sweets. She saw a picture on the wall. She recognised that picture but she said nothing.
She did not ask to have it back. After a while, the Greeks gave my grandmother a box with her personal stuff. She has shown me that box; I think that was very polite. At the same time, the Greek Cypriot inhabitants did not only preserve her personal stuff but they also assumed she would want them back. On the other hand, the secondary experience of the young respondent manifests a rather detached yet friendly attitude towards the other side, which is common among the younger generation as I argue below.
At the same time, people on both sides, now in their ffties or more, have a frst-hand experience of the displacement. Most of them travelled to the other side soon after the opening of the Ledra Palace Crossing in order to witness with their own eyes what had happened with their former homes and villages. There are interesting differentiations between the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots. Dominant political management regarding the property issue as well as dominant narratives about the Cypriot status quo seem to be refected to a certain extent on the attitude both sides have formed towards their former homes.
We came here after the war. We never wanted a separation. We became refugees again and again. We were forced to live our village in , run away again and again. After the war we came to Nicosia. We are innocent. Today, a Greek Cypriot family lives in our home, a doctor.
We moved to Nicosia after Our world had been already small and it got smaller. Now, my home is empty. Our village was set on fre then, but our house survived. Both respondents refer to their former homes in a way that shows that they take the new situation for granted. They know that they will never return and perhaps they do not even want to.
She wants no involvement in the property issue; the Greek Cypriot family can keep her former home and let her in peace, in her new home that belongs to no one else except her. However, the property issue constitutes an important factor among those Turkish Cypriots who have reservations on reconciliation and co-existence. I support the reunifcation but only in some strict terms.
You know, the Greek Cypriots are way richer than we are. And then we are going to lose our homes once again. On top of these two images, primary or secondary experience infuence the level of emotional involvement, indicating that younger people expectably have a looser connection to their former family home than the older ones. However, for all participants, the former home remains an imagined place that becomes a symbol of a former private life that has either to return yet in abstract way or became a closed case.
There is only one exception of a Greek Cypriot, who draws her former home Annex I, p. However, interesting fndings emerge referring to this element of the produced mental maps. In this context there are four categories of mapped private spaces: Firstly, the private space around the old city. This includes maps that present private space and connected activities in the periphery of the city.
It refers mostly to people who live and act in the periphery and travel to the other side by car, using cross points out of the old city, where they are allowed to drive towards the other side. Additionally, this category refers mostly to Turkish Cypriots, who travel to the south in order to shop in the big malls of the city. This group of maps includes respondents who perceive the old city as a place that they do not cross in order to satisfy their daily needs.
Finally, as long as they mostly visit the south due to consuming and leisure reasons, they travel by car using the relevant cross-points. Secondly, the private space in and out of the old city. It basically includes private spaces, which spread in and out the city forming everyday routines since the respondents enter and exit the city on a daily basis.
Thirdly, the private space out of the city combined with regular visiting of the old city. They are both Turkish and Greek Cypriots, who draw some spots shops, bars, clubs, cafes they visit every now and then. Fourthly, the private space inside the old city. According to the above allocation, I suggest the following image of the old city referring to the frst aspect, i.
Additionally, a minority includes the south in their mentally mapped private spaces due to crossings for commercial reasons by car. On the other hand, the majority of the Greek Cypriots has a visiting relation to the other side, organising their private space in the outskirts yet including specifc spots they prefer to visit. Private space includes the personal space of home and the collective space of the broader neighbourhood.
Furthermore, it refers to the state power, as already stated, underlining the presence of the border even in its penetrable form. Apart from constituting an issue of high political signifcance, it also penetrates the personal realm; distinguishing those Cypriots who have a missing loved one from those who have been luckier The other side is perceived, especially for the Greek Cypriots, as a mass grave, as the land of the missing.
We buried people with bulldozers like animals that die. They open wells lately and exhume missing persons. In Cyprus there are missing persons and until now they have found almost Inside wells, inside mass graves and since technology has developed a lot, they do this DNA test and recognise them. How should I feel, when graves open at the moment and killed people are found? Would feel all right? How would you feel then? How would you feel if you saw a Turkish Cypriot?
We knew from others in the enclave, approximately where he had been buried, so we went there with my brother-in-law to indicate the place to the ones who fnally found him. We are waiting for the identifcation in order to burry him. It is recent. Two months ago. This is moreover linked to two further parameters: Firstly, they highlight the need for truth and justice and secondly the leave an open space for pain monopolisation.
In this context, from , there had been numerous meetings in order to solve the problem of the missing person and return the remains to the relatives, giving them the opportunity to mourn and prepare funerals for the beloved ones. However, during this period and since the confict events were still fresh, there was actually no outcome. During the next period, between and , progress has been defnitely made, since the UN General Assembly GA called for the establishment of an organisation that would deal with the problem of the missing persons.
Finally, in a bi-communal committee called CMP Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus 65 was established in order to conduct investigations regarding missing persons since the inter- communal conficts in and the war in The CMP gathered information in order to create a list with all missing persons, while collecting blood samples of relatives for future DNA identifcations.
In , three years after the frst opening of the barricades, the CMP began several excavations and exhumations on both sides of the island. A team of experts has been conducting DNA identifcations for years, returning the remains to relatives concerned, giving them the chance to prepare forty or ffty-year postponed funerals after all.
However, these identifcations have played another crucial role, too. They have managed to question dominant narratives about the past, proving that both sides had been victims and perpetrators at the same time, while contesting the monopoly of victimization and pain that each side has been claiming for itself. The CMP managed to gather numerous spoken testimonies that led them to the hidden graves.
Finally, since , the CMP consists of 8 teams in the north and 2 teams in south, carrying out exhumations autonomously until today. The landscape is wild, full of white rocks, thin sand and a 65 Updated data can be found in the offcial CMP website www. The place is called Ayios Georgios Alamanos after the name of the local monastery. Compared to other touristic hot spots, this one is a rather quiet place in Limassol close to the highway that connects Limassol with Nicosia. Apart from its remarkable beauty, there is also an interesting story that makes this place unique; the story of the fg tree.
Back in the 80's and 90's a rare species of fg tree was growing on the seashore. Its roots were invisible resembling a bush with branches, leaves and fgs. I still remember that tree. I could not explain how it could grow on that beach, yet that absurd tree became a local landmark and a meeting point, when we wanted to meet and go for swimming. One day, I think it was two years ago , we went to the beach with some friends.
The fg tree was gone. In its place there was a big hole within a restricted area. After killing them, they used dynamites in order to seal the cave with fallen rocks and hide the dead bodies forever. However, the vertical explosion of the dynamites managed to open a hole at the top of the cave that allowed sun to enter the heart of the cave straight onto the dead bodies.
According to estimates, the last thing that Ahmet Cemal had eaten before being killed was a tasty rare fg from his garden, since his village was full of the certain species. But there was a second level underneath. That same fg tree was another piece of the large bi-communal project regarding missing people's identifcation. At the same time it was a beautiful plant over the surface and a horrible event underground; a natural element in physical space that carried different perceptions, symbolic loads, interpretations and defnitions.
During all these years, identities have been confused, the former friend became an enemy and as such gives at the same time birth to the need for reconciliation. I see older people, who have friends form the past, people they were leaving together. Things are friendlier for them. On the contrary, for me and other young people as well as for young Turkish Cypriots things are not like that.
It is simple. They are people from a foreign country […] The old people could also speak the language. I have just tried to learn two or three words. I do not see any relation. The only thing I can see is that I can travel to the other side only if I show my passport. That means that I travel to a foreign country. I have no connection with that. But foreign forces wanted us apart. Aversion is mixed up with emotional involvement within the same narratives, while creating a contradictory blend of aggression and geniality, distance and approaching.
I have never fought with a Turkish Cypriot during those seven years. I went to a wedding with Turkish Cypriots. However, I can not say that I have friends on the other side. Do you feel closer to the Turkish Cypriots? How could I ever speak to a settler? I have never met any settler.
I have met and spoken to Turkish Cypriots many times. I went to them to the other side. If I ever did, it was only twice. How could I have friends on the other side? They the Turks got my property, how can I give them money now and support the occupation? On the other hand one could argue, that things do not depend on me; on my money. Still I ask you, why? If you steal something from me and I help you keep it, it means that it is my fault. I believe that if the Turks leave, we have nothing to divide.
I speak with the Turkish Cypriots, who come here to buy things. What do we have to divide? Cyprus would be so prosperous if things were else. I fully support the reunifcation. Would you buy a house there? Why would I buy a house if the Turks are there?
I used to have property and they took it from me. Why would I ever spend money to buy another house? Greek Cypriots have damaged Turkish Cypriot cars that passed to the other side. These are really bad things. We believe in peace much more. For instance, Greek Cypriots can express hatred feelings towards Turkish Cypriots in a context that includes only the two of them.
When people who came from Turkey and mostly the settlers enter the context, their attitude changes as long as compared to Turkish people, Turkish Cypriots are way more preferable for Greek Cypriots. They prioritise a common Cypriot identity, a common past and a common reference to the land, while forming a kind of alliance with the Turkish Cypriots against Turkey.
During the interviewing process, I asked them to put in a scale three features that could be indicative of their identities: Greek, Greek Cypriot or Cypriot , Christian — Orthodox. Turkish Cypriots are extremely worried about their communal existence since they see their population get less than the people coming originally from Turkey either as immigrants or settlers. People were carrying banners and shouting slogans against Turkey and the military presence.
In this sense they possess a genial attitude towards Greek Cypriots in terms of a common Cypriot identity in contrast to a Turkish one. However, it is also clear that they are concomitantly distant, when referring to re-unifcation, being more in favour of a distinct framework of co-existence.
I am Turkish Cypriot but I am married to a Turkish man. Their father came to Cyprus by a boat, he met me, we fell in love and we got married. In what way is he a settler? He was staying with my grandmother and my grandfather in the center of Famagusta but they left after the invasion. My grandparents found some relatives and stayed in Limassol, my father embarked on a ship to Greece, where he worked as a sailor for some months. He was based in Athens. After that he came back to Cyprus and met my mother.
My mother is a refugee. My mother comes from a village outside Nicosia. Me and my mother came back in and my father three years later, in Regarding the Cyprus issue, my father, due to specifc political beliefs, was very close to the other community. Namely, he had Turkish Cypriot friends, employees, clients; he had contacts. This is why I was raised with no hostile feelings against the other community. This led to my professional choices, too.
I am a journalist. I was working in a newspaper, which was the only one supporting the Annan Plan. I worked there for fourteen months. It was my frst professional experience and I am very proud of that. We were friends. I know some Greek, I have even written a letter in Greek. May I read it to you? Do you Giorgos? Moreover, people, who never left the old city since the war constitute a separate group within the locals with respect to how they perceive themselves.
The frst category is the most interesting one for the way they distinguish themselves from the others, while making a certain contradiction even more intense: the old city of Nicosia is the middle of the broader region and in the heart of the island, yet the Green Line has transformed it into the edge of the world.
At the same time that space is injured, new constructions and perceptions of identity follow dialectically the paradoxical and controversial 68 Yannis Papadakis ; akrites is a Greek word referring to someone who lives on the edge, the border. It has heroic implications though as long as originally akrites were the guards of the Byzantine borders and are actually those who guarantee safety and protection against external attacks.
The paths were open and nothing could prevent the Turks from coming closer. There were no barricades or checkpoints or barrels and watchtowers. Everything was free; it was possibly to cross. So, thank God, some of us were here and saved the place […] I would never leave this place. I am not afraid either. G, leave! The Turks are going to attack, we have information!
No way. Why should I leave? Where should I go? Here is the centre of Nicosia, the capital of this land. If they had taken this place that would mean that there would not be any other place to go. If you take the capital of a country, what else remains to take in order to enslave a place? However, the above refer mainly to the Greek Cypriots, while Turkish Cypriots do not seem to share the same perception. The refection of the offcial narratives is here manifested as well.
On the other hand, the northern side is more supportive of the clear distinction and therefore perceives its place as the end of the state, while the Green Line constitutes a sinir69 Papadakis, ; The other side has created a second buffer zone beyond the buffer zone. The Green Line is both an answer and a question. It is the response to confict that becomes a quest to transcend it, while replying again with separation.
However, how do the participants map this common space of confict and contact? The fndings indicate that the majority of the participants either downscale or exclude the other, while the difference between the frst and the third category shows that placing the borderline somehow through the cyclical walls is also a matter of external knowledge.
Finally, I have to add that 2 participants did not draw the Green Line at all in order to show that they do not accept it. They are both Turkish Cypriots, while in all other categories both communities are quite equally distributed. According to Kliot and Mansfeld the symbolic landscape in the political space of confict consists of places of continuity and transformation with respect to place-names, religious places, monuments and broader mnemonic policies.
In the case of Nicosia, there are periods of inscriptions and periods of erasures following each time the dominant narratives regarding what has to be remembered and what has to be forgotten. Have you seen that big statue just after Kyrenia?
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